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Are the Lutheran Confessions a Practical Document Today?

November 8, 2019 by Admin Leave a Comment

Are the Lutheran Confessions a Practical Document Today?

DAVID JAY WEBBER

I.

 Are the Lutheran Confessions a practical document today? This is the question that has been posed for the purposes of this paper, and this is the question that we will seek to answer. However, before we reach any conclusions about whether or not the Confessions are “practical,” we must first be clear on the question of what the Confessions are.

 First, the Lutheran Confessions are sound Biblical exegesis. The Formula of Concord states very plainly

that the prophetic and apostolic writings of the Old and New Testaments are the only rule and norm according to which all doctrines and teachers alike must be appraised and judged, as it is written in Ps. 119:105, “Thy word is a lamp to my feet and a light to my path.” And St. Paul says in Gal. 1:8, “Even if an angel from heaven should preach to you a gospel contrary to that which we preached to you, let him be accursed.” (FC Ep R&N:1, p. 4641)

The Fathers and Reformers firmly believed in the unique authority of Holy Scripture for the faith and life of the church. They accepted St. Paul’s declaration that the Scriptures “are able to make you wise for salvation through faith which is in Christ Jesus,” and that “All Scripture is given by inspiration of God, and is profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness, that the man of God may be complete, thoroughly equipped for every good work.” (2 Tim. 3:15-17 NKJV) As referenced in the Augsburg Confession, St. Augustine, for example, taught “that one should not obey even regularly elected bishops if they err or if they teach or command something contrary to the divine Holy Scriptures.” (AC XXVIII:28 [G], p. 85)2

 In keeping with this principle, those who composed the various Confessional documents were always very conscious of the fact that what they were doing was providing for the church a faithful statement and exposition of Holy Scripture, in response to Gnosticism, Arianism, Pneumatomachianism, Apollinarianism, Nestorianism, Eutychianism, Romanism, Zwinglianism, Calvinism, or whatever else might have been threatening the apostolic and Biblical Gospel. The Lutherans at the Diet of Augsburg declare that they are offering and presenting “a confession of our pastors’ and preachers’ teaching and of our own faith, setting forth how and in what manner, on the basis of the Holy Scriptures, these things are preached, taught, communicated, and embraced…” (AC Pref.:8, p. 25) The authors of the Formula of Concord echo this thought when they reaffirm their adherence “to the first, unaltered Augsburg Confession…as our symbol in this epoch, not because this confession was prepared by our theologians but because it is taken from the Word of God and solidly and well grounded therein.” (FC SD R&N:5, p. 504) The same is true of all the other Symbols in the Book of Concord. Their only claim to authority is based on their claim to having faithfully reproduced the teaching of the Bible. As Lyle W. Lange expresses it,

We subscribe to them because they accurately reflect the teaching of Scripture. They are relevant today because they reflect the unchanging and ever timely word of God.3

While the Lutheran Church’s confessional obligation “does not extend to historical statements, ‘purely exegetical questions,’ and other matters not belonging to the doctrinal content of the symbols,” nevertheless, “All doctrines of the Symbols are based on clear statements of Scripture.”4 Consequently, the authority of the Book of Concord, as “a confession of the doctrines of Scripture over against those who deny these doctrines,”5 rises or falls with the authority of Holy Scripture itself. In the words of Charles Porterfield Krauth, “We do not interpret God’s word by the Creed, neither do we interpret the Creed by God’s word, but interpreting both independently, by the laws of language, and finding that they teach one and the same truth, we heartily acknowledge the Confession as a true exhibition of the faith of the Rule — a true witness to the one, pure, and unchanging faith of the Christian Church, and freely make it our own Confession, as truly as if it had been now first uttered by our lips, or had now first gone forth from our hands.”6 And as Joseph A. Seiss aptly remarks, “We do not believe in the Symbols; we only believe with them, and that for no other reason than that we are persuaded that they do fairly and truly grasp and declare what, on adequate examination, is found to be the true sense, intent and meaning of God’s holy Word on the points presented in them.”7

II.

 Second, the Lutheran Confessions are preeminent examples of the faithful ministry of some of the most important pastors and teachers in Christian history. St. Paul writes that Christ himself

gave some to be apostles, some prophets, some evangelists, and some pastors and teachers, for the equipping of the saints[,] for the work of ministry, for the edifying of the body of Christ, till we all come to the unity of the faith and of the knowledge of the Son of God, to a perfect man, to the measure of the stature of the fullness of Christ; that we should no longer be children, tossed to and fro and carried about with every wind of doctrine, by the trickery of men, in the cunning craftiness of deceitful plotting, but, speaking the truth in love, may grow up in all things into Him who is the head — Christ… (Eph. 4:11-15 NKJV)

The apostles and prophets clearly have a special status in the history of the church. Their teaching was supernaturally guided and preserved from error by the Holy Spirit in a unique way, and through the Holy Scriptures, which they penned by divine inspiration, they continue to carry out their unique calling as the foundational teachers in the Christian church. “Pastors and teachers” are, however, also a part of the divinely-instituted Ministry, and when they faithfully carry out their calling they also do so with divine assistance and with divine authority. To the extent that a pastor accurately reflects and conveys the doctrine of the apostles and prophets in his own teaching, then to that extent his teaching is also apostolic and prophetic. As Krauth puts it,

Our English translation of the Bible is a human explanation of a certain humanly transcribed, humanly printed text, the original; which original alone, just as the sacred penmen left it, is absolutely in every jot and tittle God’s Word; but just in proportion as our translation is based upon a pure text of the Hebrew and Greek, and correctly explains the meaning of such an original, it too, is God’s Word. Our sermons are human explanations of God’s Word, but so far as they explain it correctly, they do set forth God’s Word, and he who hears us, hears our Lord. Our Confession is a human explanation of God’s Word, but so far as it correctly explains it, it sets forth God’s Word.8

 St. Paul certainly envisions the continuation of such a teaching office beyond his own lifetime and even to the end of the age, to instruct and guide and console and protect God’s people with God’s Word. The Symbolical Books of the Lutheran Church were written by men who held this office, and who fulfilled its duties faithfully. To honor these books is therefore to honor the God-given and God-pleasing ministry of those who wrote them. We do not show special honor to the divinely-given ministry of apostles and prophets by disparaging the divinely-given ministry of pastors and teachers. Rather, we show proper honor to all that God gives to his church by honoring all such ministries precisely in accordance with how God defines them and in accordance with the purposes for which he has given them. In regard to the pastors and teachers who are currently governing the church with God’s Word, the New Testament directs us to “Obey your leaders, and submit to them; for they keep watch over your souls, as those who will give an account.” (Heb. 13:17 NASB) In the same context, the New Testament gives us a similar directive regarding faithful ministers of the Word from the past, who are no longer with us in this earthly life:

Remember those who led you, who spoke the word of God to you; and considering the result of their conduct, imitate their faith. Jesus Christ is the same yesterday and today, yes and forever. Do not be carried away by varied and strange teachings… (Heb. 13:7-9 NASB)

 The apostles and prophets are infallible. Those who have been and are called to be pastors and teachers, including the Fathers and Reformers who wrote our Creeds, are not infallible. But as Krauth points out,

We do not claim that our Confessors were infallible. We do not say they could not fail. We only claim that they did not fail.9

The Confessions are certainly not the same as the Scriptures, just as pastors and teachers are not the same as the apostles and prophets. But if the Confessions accurately reflect and convey the Biblical doctrine, then we are able to recognize that they flow ultimately from God, under divine providence, through the divine vocation of the Fathers and Reformers who produced them at critical times in the church’s history. Krauth again explains

that correct human explanations of Scripture doctrine are Scripture doctrine, for they are simply the statement of the same truth in different words. These words are not in themselves as clear and good as the Scripture terms, but as those who use them can absolutely fix the sense of their own phraseology by a direct and infallible testimony, the human words may more perfectly exclude heresy than the divine words do. … There is no personal Christianity in the world which is not the result of a human explanation of the Bible as really as the Confession of our Church is. It is human because it is in human minds, and human hearts, — it is not a source to which we can finally and absolutely appeal as we can to God’s word. But in exact proportion as the word of God opened to the soul by the illumination of the Holy Spirit, is truly and correctly apprehended, just in that proportion is the “human explanation” coincident with the divine truth. I explain God’s truth, and if I explain it correctly, my explanation is God’s truth, and to reject the one in unbelief, is to reject the other.10

 The Reformers in the sixteenth century looked back on the earlier history of the Christian church in this way. They honored God by honoring, referring to, quoting from, and identifying with the men who had so obviously been used by God in history to preach and teach his Word. In their endorsement of the three ancient Creeds, the Concordists declare:

Immediately after the time of the apostles — in fact, already during their lifetime — false teachers and heretics invaded the church. Against these the ancient church formulated symbols (that is, brief and explicit confessions) which were accepted as the unanimous, catholic, Christian faith and confessions of the orthodox and true church, namely, the Apostles’ Creed, the Nicene Creed, and the Athanasian Creed. We pledge ourselves to these, and we hereby reject all heresies and teachings which have been introduced into the church of God contrary to them. (FC Ep R&N:3, p. 465)

The marks of the church are discernible in history, revealing the presence of God’s people and of their faithful shepherds on the timeline of human existence. The Reformers, as students of the history of the church, are thereby able to “hear” the powerful voice of Christ, not only in the preaching and teaching of the apostles, but also in the preaching and teaching of the ancient orthodox Fathers:

…in order to keep the Gospel among men, he visibly pits the witness of the saints against the rule of the devil; in our weakness he displays his strength. The dangers, labors, and sermons of the apostle Paul, Athanasius, Augustine, and other teachers of the church are holy works, true sacrifices acceptable to God, battles by which Christ restrained the devil and drove him away from the believers. (Ap IV:189-90, p. 133)

Regarding the article on justification, Philip Melanchthon is able to say: “We know that what we have said agrees with the prophetic and apostolic Scriptures, with the holy Fathers Ambrose, Augustine, and many others, and with the whole church of Christ, which certainly confesses that Christ is the propitiator and the justifier.” (Ap IV:389, p. 166) In regard to another important article of faith, Melanchthon states that “we teach nothing about original sin that is contrary to the Scripture or the church catholic, but we have cleansed and brought to light important teachings of the Scriptures and the Fathers that had been obscured by the sophistic arguments of modern theologians.” (Ap II:32, p. 104) It is clear to the Reformers that God had preserved his church, and the testimony of his Word within his church, even in more recent centuries. Martin Luther writes: “…God has confirmed Baptism through the gift of his Holy Spirit, as we have perceived in some of the fathers, such as St. Bernard, [John] Gerson, John Hus, and others…” (LC IV:50, p. 443) The second-generation Lutheran Confessors look back on the first-generation Lutheran Confessors with a similar attitude. For example, the authors of the Formula of Concord believe that “By a special grace our merciful God has in these last days brought to light the truth of his Word amid the abominable darkness of the papacy through the faithful ministry of that illustrious man of God, Dr. Luther.” (FC SD R&N:5, p. 504) The Concordists themselves, while less pretentious concerning their own importance, nevertheless know that what they are doing they are doing according to the divine authority of their divine office: “As far as our ministry is concerned, we do not propose to look on idly or stand by silently while something contrary to the Augsburg Confession is imported into our churches and schools in which the almighty God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ has appointed us teachers and shepherds.” (FC SD XII:6, p. 633) And finally, the perspective of people like us, who live and serve in post-Reformation times, but who live and serve in a Reformation-minded church, is summarized well by Seiss:

The Symbols of the orthodox Church of Christ are the matured fruits of the deepest devotion, experience and learning of its greatest and wisest members in its most trying ages; and as we may practically learn much from the biographies of the good, so we may learn much more from the Spirit-moved biography of the Church and the principles and testimonies which mark her life of faith. They are the sign-posts set up by the faithful along the King’s highway of salvation to designate the places of danger to those who come after them, to warn and admonish us where we would otherwise be liable to err and miss the goal of our high calling in Christ Jesus. They are not laws to rule our faith, for the Word of God alone is such a Rule; but they are helps and tokens to enable us the more surely to find the true import of the Rule, that we may be all the more thoroughly and sincerely conformed to that Rule. They are the human tracks which the best of the saints have left, by which we may the better detect the way which God has laid out and opened for the fallen and sinful children of men to travel, that they may fill their Christian vocation and come to everlasting life.11

Krauth recognizes that the Reformers “may have made mistakes, and nothing but mistakes; they may have known nothing, and we may know every thing; but we have seen no evidence that such is the case, and until it be brought before us, we must beg indulgence for our skepticism.”12 In the last century Charles F. Schaeffer also posed some crucial questions that are just as applicable to our time as they were to his:

Have we really made such progress in the discovery of truth since the era of the Reformation, that we understand the Scriptures more thoroughly than those who framed the Symbolical Books? When Luther and his associates were prepared to surrender their lives, but not the doctrines of the Augsburg Confession, the Apology, the Schmalkald Articles, and the Catechism, had these men of faith and prayer discovered treasures of divine truth of less extent and less value than we possess in modern times? When the Elector Augustus with holy fervor prayed to God that the authors of the Concord-Formula might be guided by the Divine Spirit in the preparation of that admirable work, was his prayer for the illumination of the Spirit less efficacious than modern prayers are? If the writers of the Symbols were unworthy of regard, or are erroneous in their exhibition of truth, who are the men that are more competent to unfold the Scriptural doctrine? What palliating features have they discovered in man’s corruption, in more recent times? What useful changes do they suggest in the doctrine of the atonement? What improvement do they propose in our old doctrine of justification by faith? What more ready access to the throne of grace have they discovered? Are we wiser, more holy, richer in divine grace, more useful through the inspiration of the “spirit of the times” than our pious fathers were? We are weary of the superior intelligence of the Nineteenth Century in matters of Christian faith.13

III.

 Third, the Lutheran Confessions are in fact the received public confession of the Evangelical Lutheran Church. Through them Lutherans fulfill, in large measure, the obligation we have under Christ always to “be ready to give a defense to everyone who asks you a reason for the hope that is in you” (1 Pet. 3:15 NKJV), and “to contend earnestly for the faith which was once for all delivered to the saints” (Jude 3 NKJV). At the conclusion of the Augsburg Confession, the Lutherans declare:

Certainly we should not wish to put our own souls and consciences in grave peril before God by misusing his name or Word, nor should we wish to bequeath to our children and posterity any other teaching than that which agrees with the pure Word of God and Christian truth. Since this teaching is grounded clearly on the Holy Scriptures and is not contrary or opposed to that of the universal Christian church, or even of the Roman church (in so far as the latter’s teaching is reflected in the writings of the Fathers), we think that our opponents cannot disagree with us in the articles set forth above. Therefore, those who presume to reject, avoid, and separate from our churches as if our teaching were heretical, act in an unkind and hasty fashion, contrary to all Christian unity and love, and do so without any solid basis of divine command or Scripture. (AC epilog to XXI, 1 [G], pp. 47-48)

In continuity with this conviction, the writers of the Formula of Concord

again whole-heartedly subscribe this Christian and thoroughly scriptural Augsburg Confession, and we abide by the plain, clear, and pure meaning of its words. We consider this Confession a genuinely Christian symbol which all true Christians ought to accept next to the Word of God, just as in ancient times Christian symbols and confessions were formulated in the church of God when great controversies broke out, and orthodox teachers and hearers pledged themselves to these symbols with heart and mouth. Similarly we are determined by the grace of the Almighty to abide until our end by this repeatedly cited Christian Confession as it was delivered to Emperor Charles in 1530. And we do not intend, either in this or subsequent doctrinal statements, to depart from the aforementioned Confession or to set up a different and new confession. (FC SD Intro.:4-5, p. 502)

At the conclusion of the Formula of Concord (which sets forth and includes all the Symbols in the Book of Concord), its authors declare with all seriousness and solemnity:

Therefore, in the presence of God and of all Christendom among both our contemporaries and our posterity, we wish to have testified that the present explanation of all the foregoing controverted articles here explained, and none other, is our teaching, belief, and confession in which by God’s grace we shall appear with intrepid hearts before the judgment seat of Jesus Christ and for which we shall give an account. Nor shall we speak or write anything, privately or publicly, contrary to this confession, but we intend through God’s grace to abide by it. (FC SD XII:40, p. 636)

And orthodox Lutheran churches to the present time are not ashamed to confess the same Biblical faith, through the same Confessions. Harold Wicke speaks for the Wisconsin Synod, but not only for the Wisconsin Synod:

On June 25, 1580, the Book of Concord was officially published in Dresden, Germany, and presented to the world as the doctrinal position of the Lutheran Church. … Today our churches still accept this book as their confession of faith. Thus the constitution of our Wisconsin Evangelical Lutheran Synod states: “The Synod also accepts the Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church embodied in the Book of Concord of 1580, not insofar as, but because they are a correct presentation and exposition of the pure doctrine of the word of God.” Our individual congregations have a similar article in their constitutions. Our pastors and teachers also pledge to preach and teach in accordance with these confessions. … Though these confessions were all written in Germany, they are not German. Though they were written by Lutherans, they are not sectarian. Though they were gathered together centuries ago, they are not obsolete. If you want to believe the gospel, these are the confessions you will want to stand by. It is our conviction that the Book of Concord meets the needs of the church. This is so because it is a positive statement of what the church of God believes according to the Scripture, a rejection of those teachings which do not agree with Scripture, an accurate statement of what we must abide by when asked to give an account, a simple statement of Scripture truth to be taught our children, a clear statement of what we as pastors, teachers, and parents should preach and teach, and a faithful exposition of the word in such a way that schisms and compromises are prevented. These confessions — from the Apostles’ Creed to the Formula of Concord — are built upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets. Jesus Christ is their cornerstone.14

Krauth also writes:

The basis of the Evangelical Lutheran Church is the Word of God, as the perfect and absolute Rule of Faith, and because this is her basis, she rests of necessity on the faith of which that Word is the Rule, and therefore on the Confessions which purely set forth that faith. She has the right rule, she reaches the right results by that rule, and rightly confesses them. This Confession then is her immediate basis, her essential characteristic, with which she stands or falls. The Unaltered Augsburg Confession and its Apology, the Catechisms and Schmalcald Articles, and the Formula of Concord, have been formally declared by an immense majority of the Lutheran Church as their Confession of Faith. The portion of the Church, with few and inconsiderable exceptions, which has not received them formally, has received them virtually. They are closely cohering and internally consistent statements and developments of one and the same system, so that a man who heartily and intelligently receives any one of the distinctively Lutheran Symbols, has no difficulty in accepting the doctrine of the whole. They fairly represent the faith of the Church, and simply and solely as so representing it are they named in the statement of the basis of the Evangelical Lutheran Church. … The propositions we have just advanced, no Lutheran, in the historical sense of the word, can deny; for the man who would deny it, would, in virtue of that denial, prove that he is not in the historical sense Lutheran; for he, and he only, is such who believes that the doctrine of the gospel is rightly taught in the Augsburg Confession.15

 Krauth here touches on the old question of whether a genuine Confessional subscription must of necessity include the entire Book of Concord, or if (as in the Danish-Norwegian tradition) formal subscription can be made only to the three ancient Creeds, the Augsburg Confession, and the Small Catechism. In reality, a sincere and thoughtful subscription to the chief Symbols is a subscription to the theology of all the Symbols. On this basis the Norwegian Synod was admitted to membership in the old Synodical Conference in nineteenth-century America. Its constitution bound it formally only to the Creeds, the Augustana, and the Small Catechism. But the Creeds, the Augustana, and the Small Catechism correctly understood are, for all practical purposes, the whole Book of Concord. At any rate, the fathers of the Missouri, Wisconsin, Illinois, and Ohio Synods certainly saw it that way when they embraced the Norwegians confessionally and organizationally in 1872. When the Norwegian Synod, several years later, successfully resisted and overcame a destructive attack on one of the chief elements of its doctrinal basis — Confessionally embodied most thoroughly in Article XI of the Formula of Concord, to which the Synod had not formally subscribed — the soundness of this decision was most gratifyingly demonstrated.16

 As Henry E. Jacobs expresses it, “The unity of the Church does not consist in subscription to the same Confessions, but in the acceptance and teaching of the same doctrines.”17 This does not mean, however, that any particular group of Lutherans today may, if they see fit, dispense with the historic Confessions of their church and replace them with what they consider to be better or equally good Confessions — attempting all along, of course, to preserve the doctrine of the old Symbols.18 First of all, it is highly unlikely that any collection of Lutherans in our time would in actuality be able to improve on or match the wisdom, insight, and skill of the extraordinarily gifted Doctors of the Church who wrote the Confessions that have been passed down to us. And second, it would be very difficult if not impossible to protect such a project from the arrogant and sectarian spirit that would so easily and naturally lurk behind an idea of this kind. The Confessions of the Lutheran Church are not our personal “property,” to be tinkered with at will. They are, as it were, the “property” of the entire church, and those who are alive at any given time in Lutheran history are really just the stewards and temporary custodians of this noble legacy. As Wilhelm W. Petersen writes, it is important for Lutherans to be acquainted with the historic Lutheran Confessions

because the Confessions are a correct exposition, or interpretation, of the Bible and it is in our Confessions where we as a Lutheran Church publicly confess our faith before the world and confidently declare: “This we believe, teach, and confess.” They are also the banner under which we march and by which we identify one another as brethren. I believe that it is fair to say that if it were not for our Confessions the Lutheran Reformation would not have gotten off the ground and, consequently, there would be no Lutheran Church today. It is also fair to say that if we depart from our Confessions, as many have, the time may come when there will be no true Lutheran Church.19

 Also, the true loyalty of the Lutheran Church to its distinctive Confessions has little if anything to do with the supposed “German-ness” of either or both. As Wicke points out, “Though these confessions were all written in Germany, they are not German.” The Latin Church did not consider the Nicene Creed to be unimportant simply because it had been produced by Greeks. German Christians did not ignore the Athanasian Creed simply because it had arisen among Gallic Christians. The Danish and Norwegian Lutherans did not consider the Small Catechism to be someone else’s catechism simply because it had been written by a German. The Swedish Lutherans did not refuse ultimately to adopt the Augsburg Confession simply because Sweden was not a part of the Holy Roman Empire. And the Slovak Lutherans did not refrain from embracing the entire Book of Concord simply because it had been compiled in the context of theological struggles among Germans. To dwell a bit longer on this example, the Slovak Lutherans as a group, unlike many of the ethnic Germans who lived among them, had little sympathy with the “mediating” theology of the Philippists. They wanted to make a clear confession of their faith, over against both Rome and the Reformed. As David P. Daniel notes,

After 1580, attempts to have the Formula of Concord accepted as the normative statement of Lutheran theology for the Lutherans of Slovakia resulted in a generation of debate. On the one hand, many German Lutherans of the central and eastern cities of Slovakia were reluctant to accept the very precise doctrinal definitions which had been incorporated into the Formula of Concord and accepted by the orthodox Lutherans in Germany. On the other hand, the clergy of Slovak ancestry, often supported by the leading magnates of Slovakia, and seeking a greater voice in the administration of the Church in which Slovaks were now numerically the majority, became the ardent advocates of the Formula.20

Lutherans in Slovakia and elsewhere in the Slavic world have traditionally identified themselves as the “Evangelical Church of the Augsburg Confession.” As is self-evident, they took “ownership” of that Confession, originally brought to them from Germany, just as much as the new converts in the Grand Principality of Kyiv, at the time of St. Volodymyr, took “ownership” of the Nicene Creed that was brought to them from Byzantium.

 The battles and victories chronicled in the Book of Concord are not, at the deepest level, the battles and victories of Germans, or of Gauls, or of Greeks. They are the battles and victories of God, fought and won not for the benefit of one or another ethnic group, but for the benefit of the one holy, catholic, and apostolic church. We should never think that there is anything “ethnic” about believing

that the three ecumenical creeds, the Apostles’, the Nicene and the Athanasian, as well as the Lutheran Confessions as contained in the Book of Concord of 1580 give expression to the true doctrine of Scripture. Since the doctrines they confess are drawn from Scripture alone, we feel ourselves bound to them in our faith and life. Therefore all preaching and teaching in our churches and schools must be in harmony with these confessions. … We reject every effort to reduce the confessions contained in the Book of Concord to historical documents that have only relative confessional significance for the church today.21

 Those who suppose that the Lutheran Confessions have little bearing on the theological controversies of our time either do not know what is really going on in modern Christendom, or they do not know what is really contained in the Book of Concord, or both. Although the Book of Concord was published over 400 years ago, its teachings and explanations are demonstrably applicable to many doctrinal issues that are all too contemporary.

 When Pentecostals and Charismatics make their extraordinary claims, the Lutheran Church confesses:

On the one hand, it is true that both the preacher’s planting and watering and the hearer’s running and willing would be in vain, and no conversion would follow, if there were not added the power and operation of the Holy Spirit, who through the Word preached and heard illuminates and converts hearts so that men believe this Word and give their assent to it. On the other hand, neither the preacher nor the hearer should question this grace and operation of the Holy Spirit, but should be certain that, when the Word of God is preached, pure and unalloyed according to God’s command and will, and when the people diligently and earnestly listen to and meditate on it, God is certainly present with his grace and gives what man is unable by his own powers to take or to give. We should not and cannot pass judgment on the Holy Spirit’s presence, operations, and gifts merely on the basis of our feeling, how and when we perceive it in our hearts. On the contrary, because the Holy Spirit’s activity often is hidden, and happens under cover of great weakness, we should be certain, because of and on the basis of his promise, that the Word which is heard and preached is an office and work of the Holy Spirit, whereby he assuredly is potent and active in our hearts (II Cor. 2:14 ff.). (FC SD II:55-56, pp. 531-32)

When promoters of the so-called “Church Growth Movement” assert that the Divine Service should be redesigned to serve the purposes of “entertainment evangelism,” the Lutheran Church confesses:

The purpose of observing ceremonies is that men may learn the Scriptures and that those who have been touched by the Word may receive faith and fear and so may also pray. (Ap XXIV:3, p. 250)

Places, times, persons, and the entire outward order of worship are therefore instituted and appointed in order that God’s Word may exert its power publicly. (LC I:94, p. 378)

…the holy Fathers themselves had rites and traditions…because they were profitable for good order, because they gave the people a set time to assemble, because they provided an example of how all things could be done decently and in order in the churches, and finally because they helped instruct the common folk. For different seasons and various rites serve as reminders for the common folk. For these reasons the Fathers kept ceremonies, and for the same reasons we also believe in keeping traditions. (Ap XV:20-21, p. 218)

So in our churches we willingly observe the order of the Mass, the Lord’s day, and the other more important feast days. With a very thankful spirit we cherish the useful and ancient ordinances, especially when they contain a discipline that serves to educate and instruct the people and the inexperienced. (Ap VII/VIII:33, pp. 174-75)

…it can readily be judged that nothing contributes so much to the maintenance of dignity in public worship and the cultivation of reverence and devotion among the people as the proper observance of ceremonies in the churches. (AC, prolog to XXII,6 [L], p. 49)

When they similarly assert that pastors should adjust their role in the congregation in accordance with “contemporary” leadership models, shaped and driven by psychology, sociology, and modern marketing strategies, the Lutheran Church confesses that ministers of the Gospel

do not represent their own persons but the person of Christ, because of the church’s call, as Christ testifies (Luke 10:16), “He who hears you hears me.” When they offer the Word of Christ or the sacraments, they do so in Christ’s place and stead. (Ap VII/VIII:28, p. 173)

The Gospel requires of those who preside over the churches that they preach the Gospel, remit sins, administer the sacraments, and, in addition, exercise jurisdiction, that is, excommunicate those who are guilty of notorious crimes and absolve those who repent. By the confession of all, even of our adversaries, it is evident that this power belongs by divine right to all who preside over the churches, whether they are called pastors, presbyters, or bishops. (Tr 60-61, p. 330)

…a minister who consecrates shows forth the body and blood of the Lord to the people, just as a minister who preaches shows forth the gospel to the people, as Paul says (I Cor. 4:1), “This is how one should regard us, as ministers of Christ and dispensers of the sacraments of God,” that is, of the Word and sacraments; and II Cor. 5:20, “We are ambassadors for Christ, God making his appeal through us. We beseech you on behalf of Christ, be reconciled to God.” (Ap XXIV:79-81, p. 264)

When defending the efficacy of Christ’s Word and the real presence of his body and blood in the bread and wine of the Lord’s Supper, the Lutheran Church confesses:

“Here, too, if I were to say over all the bread there is, ‘This is the body of Christ,’ nothing would happen, but when we follow his institution and command in the Lord’s Supper and say, ‘This is my body,’ then it is his body, not because of our speaking or of our efficacious word, but because of his command in which he has told us so to speak and to do and has attached his own command and deed to our speaking.” (FC SD VII:78 [quoting Luther], pp. 583-84)

For the truthful and almighty words of Jesus Christ which he spoke in the first institution were not only efficacious in the first Supper but they still retain their validity and efficacious power in all places where the Supper is observed according to Christ’s institution and where his words are used, and the body and blood of Christ are truly present, distributed, and received by the virtue and potency of the same words which Christ spoke in the first Supper. For wherever we observe his institution and speak his words over the bread and cup and distribute the blessed bread and cup, Christ himself is still active through the spoken words by the virtue of the first institution, which he wants to be repeated. (FC SD VII:75, p. 583)

…in the Lord’s Supper the body and blood of Christ are truly and substantially present and are truly offered with those things that are seen, the bread and the wine, to those who receive the sacrament. After careful examination and consideration of it, we firmly defend this belief. (Ap X:1, p. 179)

When battling the spiritual deadness and worldliness of “cultural Lutheranism,” the Lutheran Church confesses:

It is, of course, self-evident that in true conversion there must be a change, there must be new activities and emotions in the intellect, will, and heart, so that the heart learns to know sin, to fear the wrath of God, to turn from sin, to understand and accept the promise of grace in Christ, to have good spiritual thoughts, Christian intentions, and diligence, and to fight against the flesh, etc. For if none of these things takes place or exists, there is no true conversion. (FC SD II:70, pp. 534-35)

…as Luther writes in his Preface to the Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans, “Faith is a divine work in us that transforms us and begets us anew from God, kills the Old Adam, makes us entirely different people in heart, spirit, mind, and all our powers, and brings the Holy Spirit with it. Oh, faith is a living, busy, active, mighty thing, so that it is impossible for it not to be constantly doing what is good. Likewise, faith does not ask if good works are to be done, but before one can ask, faith has already done them and is constantly active. Whoever does not perform such good works is a faithless man, blindly tapping around in search of faith and good works without knowing what either faith or good works are… Faith is a vital, deliberate trust in God’s grace, so certain that it would die a thousand times for it. And such confidence and knowledge of divine grace makes us joyous, mettlesome, and merry toward God and all creatures. This the Holy Spirit works by faith, and therefore without any coercion a man is willing and desirous to do good to everyone, to serve everyone, to suffer everything for the love of God and to his glory, who has been so gracious to him. It is therefore as impossible to separate works from faith as it is to separate heat and light from fire.” (FC SD IV:10-12, pp. 552-53)

When challenged by broadcast-media advocates of the new “gospel” of self-esteem and self-improvement, the Lutheran Church confesses

that a poor sinner is justified before God (that is, he is absolved and declared utterly free from all his sins, and from the verdict of well deserved damnation, and is adopted as a child of God and an heir of eternal life) without any merit or worthiness on our part, and without any preceding, present, or subsequent works, by sheer grace, solely through the merit of the total obedience, the bitter passion, the death, and the resurrection of Christ, our Lord, whose obedience is reckoned to us as righteousness. The Holy Spirit offers these treasures to us in the promise of the Gospel, and faith is the only means whereby we can apprehend, accept, apply them to ourselves, and make them our own. Faith is a gift of God whereby we rightly learn to know Christ as our redeemer in the Word of the Gospel and to trust in him, that solely for the sake of his obedience we have forgiveness of sins by grace, are accounted righteous and holy by God the Father, and are saved forever. (FC SD III:9-11, pp. 540-41)

 The examples could go on and on. In summary, the Confessions faithfully proclaimed and applied God’s Word to the historical circumstances in and for which they were written. But since neither human nature nor the Gospel of Christ have changed since then, it should not surprise us that the Confessions faithfully proclaim and apply God’s Word to the circumstances of our day as well. The Book of Concord not only was, it is — very definitely — the public confession of the Evangelical Lutheran Church.

IV.

 Fourth, the Lutheran Confessions are effective tools for the preservation and promotion of true Christian unity. St. Paul literally pleads with the church, “by the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, that you all speak the same thing, and that there be no divisions among you, but that you be perfectly joined together in the same mind and in the same judgment.” (1 Cor. 1:10 NKJV) Our forefathers in the faith who in every generation subscribed to the Confessions did so because they were conscientiously “endeavoring to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace.” (Eph. 4:3 NKJV) They knew that the “unity of the Spirit” is not a sentimental, man-made, superficial unity, but that it is rooted instead in the Trinitarian reality of “one body and one Spirit, just as you were called in one hope of your calling; one Lord, one faith, one baptism; one God and Father of all, who is above all, and through all, and in you all.” (Eph. 4:4-6 NKJV) The Biblical content of the Lutheran Confessions defines and facilitates this God-given unity both within and between the churches that accept and use them. Joseph Stump elaborates on this basic point:

Confessions or symbols are official formulations of the common faith of the Church. They are public testimonies as to the manner in which the Church apprehends and teaches the doctrines of the Holy Scriptures. … They serve the twofold purpose of exhibiting what the Church believes and teaches, and of guarding against error and heresy. … They are useful also as criteria by which those who hold the same faith may know one another and join together in one organization. The Lutheran Confessions are contained in the Book of Concord, and include the three Ecumenical Creeds, the Augsburg Confession, the Apology of the Augsburg Confession, the Schmalcald Articles, Luther’s Small Catechism, Luther’s Large Catechism, and the Formula of Concord. Bona-fide subscription to these Confessions is required of Lutheran ministers, because the Church must see to it that those who go forth in her name preach only the pure doctrines of the Gospel as she holds them. No one is compelled to subscribe. But if any minister refuses to do so, he thereby testifies that he is not in harmony with the doctrinal position of the Lutheran Church, and has no right to preach in her name. On the other hand, if he is a Lutheran in his convictions, he will be glad to subscribe to the Confessions and to preach the doctrines set forth in them. 22

 Melanchthon very sensibly writes: “In these controversies I have always made it a point to stick as closely as possible to traditional doctrinal formulas in order to foster the attainment of harmony.” (Ap Pref.:11, p. 99) When we are able to use the same terminology with the same commonly-understood meaning, we can indeed more easily understand each other and more easily recognize a unity in faith, if such a unity does exist. For orthodox Lutherans, the formulations of the Book of Concord provide just such a working “lexicon” for fraternal discourse, encouragement, support, and cooperation:

The primary requirement for basic and permanent concord within the church is a summary formula and pattern, unanimously approved, in which the summarized doctrine commonly confessed by the churches of the pure Christian religion is drawn together out of the Word of God. For this same purpose the ancient church always had its dependable symbols. It based these not on mere private writings, but on such books as had been written, approved, and accepted in the name of those churches which confessed the same doctrine and religion. In the same way we have from our hearts and with our mouths declared in mutual agreement that we shall neither prepare nor accept a different or a new confession of our faith. Rather, we pledge ourselves again to those public and well-known symbols or common confessions which have at all times and in all places been accepted in all the churches of the Augsburg Confession before the outbreak of the several controversies among the adherents of the Augsburg Confession and which were kept and used during that period when people were everywhere and unanimously faithful to the pure doctrine of the Word of God as Dr. Luther of blessed memory had explained it. (FC SD R&N:1-2, p. 503)

 The Lutheran Confessions recognize the Biblical parameters for church fellowship, and they go a long way in facilitating such fellowship among those who mutually subscribe to them. The Confessions eschew sectarianism in all of its forms. From the perspective of the Book of Concord, church fellowship must not be withheld from those who may exhibit various forms of personal weakness if they are otherwise sound in their confession of faith:

We should forsake wicked teachers because they no longer function in the place of Christ, but are antichrists. Christ says (Matt. 7:15), “Beware of false prophets”; Paul says (Gal. 1:9), “If anyone is preaching to you a gospel contrary to that which you received, let him be accursed.” Christ has also warned us in his parables on the church [Matt. 13:24-50] that when we are offended by the personal conduct of priests or people, we should not incite schisms, as the Donatists wickedly did. (Ap VII/VIII:48-49, pp. 177-78)

…Col. 3:14, “love, which is the bond of perfection.” … Paul…is talking not about personal perfection but about fellowship in the church. He says that love is a bond and unbroken chain linking the members of the church with one another. Similarly, in all families and communities harmony should be nurtured by mutual aid, for it is not possible to preserve tranquility unless men cover and forgive certain mistakes in their midst. In the same way Paul commands that there be love in the church to preserve harmony, to bear, if need be, with the crude behavior of the brethren, to cover up minor mistakes, lest the church disintegrate into various schisms and the hatreds, factions, and heresies that arise from such schisms. For harmony will inevitably disintegrate if bishops impose heavy burdens on the people or have no regard for their weakness. Dissensions also arise when the people judge their clergy’s behavior too strictly or despise them because of some minor fault and then seek after some other kinds of doctrine and other clergy. On the other hand, perfection (that is, the integrity of the church) is preserved when the strong bear with the weak, when the people put the best construction on the faults of their clergy, when the bishops take into account the weakness of the people. (Ap IV:231-34, pp. 139-40)

In the words of C. F. W. Walther, “The church militant must indeed aim at and strive for absolute unity of faith and doctrine, but it never will attain a higher degree of unity than a fundamental one.”23 This, too, is a Confessional principle. And so, from the perspective of the Book of Concord, church fellowship must not be withheld from those who exhibit certain differences in theological emphasis, in preferred forms of theological expression, or in non-dogmatic “theological opinions,” as long as there is a genuine “fundamental” agreement in the articles of faith:24

In order to preserve the pure doctrine and to maintain a thorough, lasting, and God-pleasing concord within the church, it is essential not only to present the true and wholesome doctrine correctly, but also to accuse the adversaries who teach otherwise (I Tim. 3:9; Titus 1:9; II Tim. 2:24; 3:16). “Faithful shepherds,” as Luther states, “must both pasture or feed the lambs and guard against wolves so that they will flee from strange voices and separate the precious from the vile” (John 10:12-16, 27; Jer. 15:19). On this point we have reached a basic and mutual agreement that we shall at all times make a sharp distinction between needless and unprofitable contentions (which, since they destroy rather than edify, should never be allowed to disturb the church) and necessary controversy (dissension concerning articles of the Creed or the chief parts of our Christian doctrine, when the contrary error must be refuted in order to preserve the truth). (FC SD R&N:14-15, pp. 506-07)

Hermann Sasse recognizes the fact that there has never been one monolithic “school of thought” within Lutheranism. He notes that Melanchthon

became a genuine Lutheran theologian under Luther’s strong influence, as the first edition of his Loci shows. But he never ceased to be a humanist, and in the course of time the humanist tendencies of his theology came forth again. This did not matter as long as he remained faithful to Lutheran dogma; in every living church there must be room for a variety of theological thinkers, provided they are in agreement as to the dogma of the church. Thus, a difference of interest in, or emphasis on, certain points of doctrine, and even a difference of expression, could well be tolerated. Luther always felt that he and his learned friend supplemented each other. As Melanchthon had learned from him, so he had learned from Melanchthon. It has great significance for the Lutheran church that its Confessions were not written by Luther alone. As Melanchthon’s Augsburg Confession, Apology, and Tractatus are happily supplemented by Luther’s Smalcald Articles and Catechisms, so even the Formula of Concord was written by disciples of Melanchthon and of Luther. This variety in expression of one and the same truth gave the Lutheran Confessions a richness which the confessions of other churches do not possess. Nothing is more significant for the Lutheran church’s independence of human authority than the fact that Luther approved of the Augsburg Confession although he clearly stated that he would have written it in a totally different way. It is the doctrine of the Gospel that matters, and not human theology.25

To elaborate on one of Sasse’s points, we must remember that the authors of the Formula of Concord truly were a very diverse group in many respects. The mix included Andrew Musculus, who had said of Luther:

Since the Apostles’ time, no greater man has lived upon the earth. God has poured out all His gifts on this one man. Between the old teachers (even Hilary and Augustine) and Luther, there is as wide a difference as between the shining of the moon and the light of the sun.26

The mix also included Nicholas Selnecker, who had said that one of the greatest blessings of his life was that he “had had Melanchthon as his instructor, had heard him, had come into almost daily contact with him, had conversed with him, and had consulted with him.”27 The rest of the committee was comprised of people who stood between these two at various places on the “sliding scale” of Lutheranism’s sixteenth-century theological tradition. And yet, in spite of the many personality clashes, tensions, and suspicions that existed among them, and in the midst of the many controversies that had been raging for decades, the Concordists were able to hammer out a precise, clear, and Biblical statement that has been profoundly appreciated by their theological and ecclesiastical heirs ever since. The Formula does not represent the idiosyncratic views of any one of its authors, but is in every sense the church’s confession of the church’s faith.

 Of course, none of this means that the Formula of Concord, or any of the Symbolical Books, are doctrinal compromises rooted in anything other than a thorough and consistent submission to God’s Holy Word. As the authors of the Formula declare:

From our exposition friends and foes may clearly understand that we have no intention (since we have no authority to do so) to yield anything of the eternal and unchangeable truth of God for the sake of temporal peace, tranquillity, and outward harmony. Nor would such peace and harmony last, because it would be contrary to the truth and actually intended for its suppression. Still less by far are we minded to whitewash or cover up any falsification of true doctrine or any publicly condemned errors. We have a sincere delight in and deep love for true harmony and are cordially inclined and determined on our part to do everything in our power to further the same. We desire such harmony as will not violate God’s honor, that will not detract anything from the divine truth of the holy Gospel, that will not give place to the smallest error but will lead the poor sinner to true and sincere repentance, raise him up through faith, strengthen him in his new obedience, and thus justify and save him for ever through the sole merit of Christ, and so forth. (FC SD XI:95-96, p. 632)

The Concordists in the late sixteenth century, and we in the late twentieth century, recognize clearly (in harmony with Article VII of the Augsburg Confession) that the proper basis for church fellowship is agreement in the pure marks of the church, and in all that Holy Scripture plainly teaches — that is, in the Gospel of Jesus Christ in the widest sense. Lutheran churches and church bodies accordingly “will not condemn each other because of a difference in ceremonies, when in Christian liberty one uses fewer or more of them, as long as they are otherwise agreed in doctrine and in all its articles and are also agreed concerning the right use of the holy sacraments, according to the well-known axiom, ‘Disagreement in fasting should not destroy agreement in faith.’” (FC SD X:31 [quoting St. Irenaeus], p. 616)

 Publicly preaching and teaching the Word of God in or on behalf of the church is not a right. It is a privilege, granted by God’s call, through the instrumentality of his believing and confessing church. The church certainly expects its ministers to preach, to teach, and to carry out all other aspects of their office in accordance with the Holy Scriptures, as believed and confessed in its midst. For this reason the orthodox Lutheran Church has always demanded a quia subscription to the Confessions, in which the candidate for ordination declares that he embraces the Symbolical Books of the Church because, not “insofar as,” they agree with Scripture. The idea that someone would subscribe to a document of any kind “insofar as” it agrees with Scripture is an idea that would make sense only before the person has read and studied the Bible and/or the document in question. Once the Bible and the document have both been studied, the person can then be asked in a straightforward way, “As you now see it, do the two agree? Yes or No?” The Confessional subscription that the church demands of a pastor is not a statement of his hermeneutical method, but a statement of the results of his hermeneutical method. We could in all honesty subscribe to a whole host of books and documents “insofar as” they agree with Scripture, if there is even a remote trace of Biblical truth contained in them. It would, however, be nothing more than a waste of everyone’s time to say that we subscribe to the Koran, the Talmud, the Book of Mormon, or the Communist Manifesto “insofar as” they agree with Scripture, even though we could say this truthfully. A subscription to the Book of Concord “insofar as” it agrees with the Bible is just as useless to the church.

 The Preface to the Book of Concord, signed by Lutheran princes and magistrates, recounts the original instances of a procedure that the Lutheran Church, under various forms of ecclesiastical government, has carried out in regard to its ministers and potential ministers ever since:

…some of us have had this document read article by article to each and every theologian, minister, and schoolmaster in our lands and territories and have had them reminded and exhorted to consider diligently and earnestly the doctrine contained in it. When they had found that the explanation of the dissensions which had arisen was agreeable and conformable first of all to the Word of God and then to the Augsburg Confession as well, the persons to whom it had been presented, as indicated above, gladly and with heartfelt thanks to almighty God testified that of their own volition and with due consideration they accepted, approved, and subscribed this Book of Concord as the correct Christian interpretation of the Augsburg Confession and publicly attested this with their hearts, lips, and hands. Therefore this Christian agreement is called and also is the unanimous and concordant confession not only of a few of our theologians but generally of each and every minister and schoolmaster in our lands and territories. (pp. 7-8)

The Lutheran princes and magistrates knew, of course, that it would be improper to ask people to subscribe to a confession with which they were not thoroughly familiar. (Such a procedure would border on one of the chief sins of the Masonic Lodge, namely, requiring an oath in uncertain matters.) For this reason they asked the theologians, pastors, and teachers in their territories to study the Formula of Concord carefully before signing their names to it. For the same reason they also specify that the theological students in their territories are to be trained in the Confessions as a part of their ministerial education, in preparation for the day when the church will ask each of them in his ordination vow to confess his and its faith, and in preparation for a life of faithful service to God’s people:

…our disposition and intention has always been directed toward the goal that no other doctrine be treated and taught in our lands, territories, schools, and churches than that alone which is based on the Holy Scriptures of God and is embodied in the Augsburg Confession and its Apology, correctly understood, and that no doctrine be permitted entrance which is contrary to these. …we have directed our churches and schools first of all to the Holy Scriptures and the Creeds, and then to the aforementioned Augsburg Confession. We desire particularly that the young men who are being trained for service in the church and for the holy ministry be faithfully and diligently instructed therein, so that the pure teaching and confession of the faith may be preserved and perpetuated among our posterity through the help and assistance of the Holy Spirit until the glorious advent of our only Redeemer and Saviour Jesus Christ. (p. 12)

The Confessions, and especially the Catechisms, can and should fulfill a similar function in the religious education of the laity. In his Shorter Preface to the Large Catechism, Luther writes that it

has been undertaken for the instruction of children and uneducated people. Hence from ancient times it has been called, in Greek, a “catechism” — that is, instruction for children. Its contents represent the minimum of knowledge required of a Christian. Whoever does not possess it should not be reckoned among Christians nor admitted to a sacrament, just as a craftsman who does not know the rules and practices of his craft is rejected and considered incompetent. … I well remember the time when there were old people who were so ignorant that they knew nothing of these things — indeed, ever now we find them daily — yet they come to Baptism and the Sacrament of the Altar and exercise all the rights of Christians, although those who come to the sacrament ought to know more and have a fuller understanding of all Christian doctrine than children and beginners at school. As for the common people, however, we should be satisfied if they learned the three parts which have been the heritage of Christendom from ancient times [the Ten Commandments, the Creed, the Lord’s Prayer], though they were rarely taught and treated correctly, so that all who wish to be Christians in fact as well as in name, both young and old, may be well-trained in them and familiar with them. (LC Sh.Pref.:1-2,5-6, p. 362)

Luther gives these directions to pastors in the Preface to the Small Catechism:

Begin by teaching them the Ten Commandments, the Creed, the Lord’s Prayer, etc., following the text word for word so that the young may repeat these things after you and retain them in their memory. If any refuse to receive your instructions, tell them that they deny Christ and are no Christians. They should not be admitted to the sacrament, be accepted as sponsors in Baptism, or be allowed to participate in any Christian privileges. (SC Pref.:10-11, p. 339)

According to the Formula of Concord,

Since these matters also concern the laity and the salvation of their souls, we subscribe Dr. Luther’s Small and Large Catechisms as both of them are contained in his printed works. They are “the layman’s Bible” and contain everything which Holy Scripture discusses at greater length and which a Christian must know for his salvation. (FC Ep R&N:5, p. 465)

But of course, the other Confessions are also accessible to the laity of the church, and should be familiar at least to the better educated among them. Let us not forget that the original audience to which the Augsburg Confession was addressed was not a clerical audience but a lay audience — Emperor Charles V to be exact — and that it was written specifically so that it could be clearly understood by him (and by laymen in general).

 We have been asked if the Lutheran Confessions are “a practical document today.” Now that we have spent some time considering what the Confessions actually are, we are ready to answer that question. Is sound Biblical exegesis practical in our day? Yes. Are preeminent examples of the faithful ministry of some of the most important pastors and teachers in Christian history practical in our day? Yes. Is the received public confession of the Evangelical Lutheran Church practical in our day? Yes. Are effective tools for the preservation and promotion of true Christian unity practical in our day? Yes. Are the Lutheran Confessions a practical document today? By all means, Yes!

ENDNOTES:

1. Standard abbreviations will be used for Confessional references. All Confessional quotations are from The Book of Concord, translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1959).

2. St. Athanasius, the great defender of Nicene orthodoxy, unambiguously stated that “the sacred and inspired Scriptures are fully sufficient for the proclamation of the truth.” (Against the Heathen I:3.)

3. Lyle W. Lange, in Our Great Heritage, edited by Lange (Milwaukee: Northwestern Publishing House, 1991), Vol. 1, p. 326.

4. Brief Statement of the Doctrinal Position of the Missouri Synod, Section 48. Emphasis in original.

5. Brief Statement, Section 45.

6. Charles Porterfield Krauth, The Conservative Reformation and Its Theology (Philadelphia: General Council Publication Board, 1899), p. 169. We will be referring to Krauth quite often in the course of this paper. We beg indulgence to do so, since in our judgment he wrote so eloquently, pointedly, and correctly on the subject of the practical authority of the Confessions in the life of the Lutheran Church.

7. Joseph A. Seiss, “Our Confessions in English,” Lutheran Church Review, Vol. I, No. 3 (July 1882), p. 215. Emphases in original.

8. Krauth, pp. 185-86. Emphasis in original.

9. Krauth, p. 186.

10. Krauth, pp. 184-85. Emphases in original.

11. Seiss, p. 216.

12. Krauth, p. 206. Emphases in original.

13. Charles F. Schaeffer, Evangelical Review, Vol. I, p. 482; quoted in Theodore E. Schmauk, The Confessional Principle and the Confessions of the Lutheran Church (Philadelphia: General Council Publication Board, 1911), p. 684.

14. Harold Wicke, “The Book of Concord,” Our Great Heritage, Vol. 1, pp. 327, 330.

15. Krauth, pp. 179-80.

16. While in the throes of the Predestination Controversy, the Norwegian Synod had tactically withdrawn from formal membership in the Synodical Conference in 1883, but remained in fellowship with the Conference and with its constituent synods.

17. H. E. Jacobs, “The General Council,” The Distinctive Doctrines and Usages of the General Bodies of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in the United States (Philadelphia: Lutheran Publication Society, 1914), p. 100.

18. We are not here discussing the question of whether or not a new statement may or should be added to the corpus of the church’s official Confessions, in response to contemporary doctrinal issues that were not matters of controversy in the sixteenth century. That is a different subject, not addressed within the parameters of this paper.

19. Wilhelm W. Petersen, “Pastor, I Have A Question,” Lutheran Sentinel, Vol. 68, No. 2 (Feb. 1985), p. 4.

20. David P. Daniel, “Highlights of the Lutheran Reformation in Slovakia,” Concordia Theological Quarterly, Vol. 42, No. 1 (Jan. 1978), p. 28.

21. This We Believe: A Statement of Belief of the Wisconsin Ev. Lutheran Synod, I:9,13.

22. Joseph Stump, The Christian Faith (Philadelphia: Muhlenberg Press, 1942), pp. 24-25.

23. Quoted approvingly in the “WELS Statement on Church Fellowship” (1970); in John F. Brug, Church Fellowship (Milwaukee: Northwestern Publishing House, 1996), p. 168.

24. “Fundamental agreement in the articles of faith” is not the same as “agreement in the fundamental articles of faith.” The former concept is Confessional; the latter is unionistic.

25. Hermann Sasse, This is my body (Adelaide, S.A.: Lutheran Publishing House, 1977), p. 253.

26. Quoted in Krauth, p. 311.

27. Quoted in James W. Richard, The Confessional History of the Lutheran Church (Philadelphia: Lutheran Publication Society, 1909), p. 441.

This essay was delivered at the meeting of the European Region of the Confessional Evangelical Lutheran Conference near Kyiv, Ukraine, on April 28, 1998. It was published in Lutheran Synod Quarterly, Vol. 39, No. 3 (September 1999), pp. 244-78. The printed version of this essay differs slightly from the online version that appears here.

 

Filed Under: Essays

Church and State, Congregation and Synod: With Special Reference to the Church Polity of the Lutheran Church in the Netherlands in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries

November 8, 2019 by Admin Leave a Comment

Church and State, Congregation and Synod

With Special Reference to the Church Polity of the Lutheran Church in the Netherlands
in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries

DAVID JAY WEBBER

Basic Principles

The authority of civil government has its origin in God and in God’s will for the temporal welfare of the human race. Therefore we

should honor the State as an institution of God for the regulation of the outward affairs of men, that we may lead quiet and peaceable lives here upon earth. God has given us this institution “for the punishment of evil doers and for the praise of them that do well” [1 Peter 2:14]. And for the execution of this purpose God has bestowed upon it the sword. The State has authority from God to employ force where this is necessary for the accomplishment of its ends.1

The authority of spiritual government has its origin in God and in God’s will for the eternal welfare of the human race. This means that

The Church also is a Divine institution, but its realm is quite different from that of the State. It is limited to spiritual affairs. It touches matters which the State cannot reach – religion, conscience, the thoughts and intents of the heart. God has entrusted it with the means of grace and has laid upon it the obligation to preach the Gospel and administer the Sacraments. The Church’s work is in a word evangelization. The Church has no sword but the sword of the Spirit, which is the Word of God. She employs no force, but uses only the persuasive power of the Word. Church and State observing their appropriate spheres should dwell together in harmony.2

But the coexistence of Church and State in this world has often not been as harmonious as the divine originator of each would have wanted. At various times in history one or both of them have failed to heed the guidance that the Lord himself has given. As followers of Christ, however, we believe that

The relation of Church and State is to be determined on the basis of Christ’s command to render unto Caesar the things which are Caesar’s, and unto God the things which are God’s (Matt. 22:21). The sphere of the Church and that of the State are different. Neither must interfere with the affairs of the other. Since the Church possesses an external organization, it is in temporal matters subject to the laws of the State; but in spiritual matters, in those which concern the sphere of the Church as such, the State has nothing to say. On the other hand the Church has no right to interfere in the affairs of the State. She has no right as an organization to take any part in politics. In all her activities she must aim at spiritual results and use spiritual means. Her one fundamental duty is that of administering the Means of Grace. She has no call officially as a Church, therefore, to enter into any purely humanitarian enterprises, to organize plans for social uplift, to take sides in industrial disputes, to line up with a particular political party, or to push political measures of any kind through legislatures or congress. Her members as individual Christian citizens may and often should do many of these things. They have political rights and duties which they are to assert and fulfill in a Christian and conscientious manner. But the Church as a Church should confine herself to that work which belongs to her; namely, the work of preaching the Gospel of Jesus Christ and of enunciating the principles of love and righteousness which should guide men in their social and political relations.3

Basically, “The State is concerned with the temporal welfare of men and the maintenance of outward law and order; while the Church is concerned with the spiritual welfare of men and the maintenance of genuine religion and morality in the heart.”4

These principles are stated clearly in the Augsburg Confession, the fundamental confession of the sixteenth-century Lutheran Reformation. There had been a lot of confusion on these points, and on the proper roles of those who held ecclesiastical and political offices. In addressing these problems, Philip Melanchthon writes that Lutheran teachers

have been compelled, for the sake of instructing consciences, to show the difference between the power of the church and the power of the sword. They have taught that because of the command of God both are to be devoutly respected and honored as the highest blessings of God on earth. However, they believe that, according to the gospel, the power of the keys or the power of the bishops is the power of God’s mandate to preach the gospel, to forgive and retain sins, and to administer the sacraments. For Christ sent out the apostles with this command [John 20:21-23]: “As the Father has sent me, so I send you. … Receive the Holy Spirit. If you forgive the sins of any, they are forgiven them; if you retain the sins of any, they are retained.” And Mark 16[:15]: “Go…and proclaim the good news to the whole creation….” This power is exercised only by teaching or preaching the gospel and by administering the sacraments either to many or to individuals, depending on one’s calling. For not bodily things but eternal things, eternal righteousness, the Holy Spirit, eternal life, are being given. These things cannot come about except through the ministry of Word and sacraments, as Paul says [Rom. 1:16]: “The gospel…is the power of God for salvation to everyone who has faith.” And Psalm 119[:50]: “Your promise gives me life.” Therefore, since this power of the church bestows eternal things and is exercised only through the ministry of the Word, it interferes with civil government as little as the art of singing interferes with it. For civil government is concerned with things other than the gospel. For the magistrate protects not minds but bodies and goods from manifest harm and constrains people with the sword and physical penalties. The gospel protects minds from ungodly ideas, the devil, and eternal death. Consequently, the powers of church and civil government must not be mixed.5

Martin Luther also accentuates these principles very strongly. According to their spiritual office, the church’s pastors and preachers do not have authority in matters that are strictly economic or political. Instead, according to Luther,

Here you have the spiritual rule (Regiment), which one should be sure to separate as far from temporal rule as heaven and earth are apart. Now the men who have charge of this spiritual rule are real kings, real princes, real masters; and it is their duty to govern. Note here, however, and learn how this rule is limited and how far it extends. It extends (as the words clearly say) over the entire world; and yet it is to deal only with sins. Neither with money nor goods, neither with the means of subsistence nor with anything pertaining to them, is it to concern itself. With these, emperors and kings, princes and lords, are to deal; they are to arrange and to do everything in a manner most serviceable to the general interest and peace. But this spiritual rule is directed only at sins. Where sin begins, this rule is to begin too, and not elsewhere. One should be careful not to mix and mingle these two jurisdictions…6

Involvement of the Princes

It might therefore be surprising for us to hear Melanchthon, in the Apology of the Augsburg Confession, say something like this to the Emperor:

You have the responsibility above all to God: to preserve sound doctrine, to propagate it for posterity, and to defend those who teach rightly. For God demands this when he honors kings with his own name and calls them gods [Ps. 82:6], “I say, ‘You are gods,’” so that they may take care in preserving and propagating on earth “divine matters,” that is, Christ’s gospel, and as vicars of God that they may defend the life and welfare of the innocent.7

In the Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope, Melanchthon expands this obligation to other kings and princes:

It is especially necessary for the most eminent members of the church, the kings and princes, to attend to the church and take care that errors are removed and consciences restored to health, just as God expressly exhorts them: “Now therefore, O kings, be wise; be warned, O rulers of the earth” [Ps. 2:10]. The first concern of kings should be to promote the glory of God. It would, therefore, be most shameful for them to use their authority and power to encourage idolatry and countless other disgraceful acts and to slaughter the saints.8

Especially in regard to the synods and councils of the church, the civil authorities are told that they should see to it that everything is done in an orderly way and according to God’s Word. Melanchthon writes that since “judgments of the councils are judgments of the church, not of the pontiffs, it is wholly appropriate that rulers restrain the wantonness of the pontiffs and ensure that the power to examine and to make judgments according to the Word of God is not snatched away from the church. And as other Christians are obliged to censure the rest of the pope’s errors, so must they rebuke him when he avoids and obstructs the church’s inquiry and true judgment.”9

In order to understand these statements, and to harmonize them with what had been said in the Augsburg Confession, it is necessary to pay strict attention to the fact that these rulers are being called upon to involve themselves in the affairs of the church because they are professing Christians. Just as clergymen who hold an ecclesiastical office do not thereby cease to be citizens of their country, so likewise Christians who hold political office do not thereby cease to be members of the church. They are, in fact, at least by some standards, “the most eminent members of the church.” The advice that the Confessions give to the Emperor, the kings, and the princes is advice that would not be given to non-Christian rulers. These men are being asked to play a role in ecclesiastical affairs because they are baptized members of the church who should be concerned about its problems, and because by divine providence and the circumstances of history they have the “clout” that is needed to reform the church and to suppress the tyranny of the pope and his bishops. Essentially they are being called upon to do what any Christians should do, that is, condemn error and rebuke those who misuse their authority. But for obvious reasons there is an expectation that the political rulers will be more likely to succeed in such efforts, and to achieve practical results.

In fact, “The early Lutherans led by Luther and his co-laborers put the government of the young evangelical church into the hands of the princes. It was intended to be temporary,” and “Luther looked forward to a time when this government could be put into the right hands (‘in die rechten Haende’).”10 But, for the time being at least, such an arrangement was seen as the best that was available. Over time the papacy had insulated itself from the possibility of being reformed from within the church, by separating itself from all ordinary lines of accountability to the church at large. Luther therefore called upon the princes to take extraordinary action.

Certainly this was not an ideal situation. Luther was also realistic about the need to monitor them in this work, and to admonish them if they neglected their duty. Before long he became painfully aware of the fact that “among the nobility there are also some louts and skinflints who declare that they can do without pastors and preachers now because we now have everything in books and can learn it all by ourselves. So they blithely let parishes fall into decay and brazenly allow both pastors and preachers to suffer distress and hunger.”11 But given a choice between ecclesiastical government by the pope’s canonical bishops, who opposed the preaching of the pure Gospel, and ecclesiastical government by pious laymen functioning as “emergency bishops,” who supported the preaching of the pure Gospel, Luther’s preference was unambiguous. He writes: “Now our temporal rulers must be emergency bishops, must protect and help us pastors and preachers – since the pope and his horde will not, but are opposed to it – so that we can preach, serve churches and schools.”12

Specifically in response to the pope’s claims to the contrary, Melanchthon says in the Treatise that “it must be acknowledged” that the keys of the kingdom of heaven

do not belong to one particular person but to the church, as many clear and irrefutable arguments show. For having spoken of the keys in Matthew 18[:18], Christ goes on to say: “Wherever two or three agree on earth…” [Matt. 18:19-20]. Thus he grants the power of the keys principally and without mediation to the church…13

Since the princes were members of the church, and since they therefore shared in the power of the keys (together with all other Christians), the Reformers believed that it was permissible for them, in an emergency situation such as existed in the sixteenth century, to assume certain supervisory duties that otherwise would be carried out by regularly-called bishops. Luther had written in his 1520 address To the Christian Nobility of the German Nation Concerning the Reform of the Christian Estate that “those who exercise secular authority have been baptized with the same Baptism, and have the same faith and the same Gospel as the rest of us.” For this reason “we must regard their office as one which has a proper and useful place in the Christian community.”14

The State-Church System

Their “proper and useful” role in the reform of the church was eventually facilitated by political developments within the Holy Roman Empire:

In 1526, the Diet of Speyer decreed that each territorial ruler could decide whether to implement the Reformation in his territory until such time as an ecumenical council could settle the religious differences. This provided an opportunity for evangelical princes to reorganize church life in their territories according to evangelical principles, and required, in turn, visitation of parishes to evaluate the conditions of church life and determine what practical reforms were needed. Parochial visitation was a duty of the bishop, but in Electoral Saxony it was undertaken under the authority of the Elector. Luther and Melanchthon prepared Visitation Articles for the visitors. But the visitors went out as electoral officials…15

This provisional method of governing the affairs of the church was put in place “at a time when the princes were generally men of sincere interest in the Church and at a time when they were the best fitted persons for the task. Nevertheless it laid the foundation for a continuing injury to Lutheranism,” from which the Lutheran state churches in Germany and Scandinavia have suffered greatly. What was supposed to be temporary became permanent, and as a result the Lutheranism of the state churches became permanently disfigured. “The time came when the Church had to bear the yoke of the State for definite service. Some of the worst cases may be seen in the forced introduction of the Church Union in Prussia and other parts of Germany.” In general, through the state-church system, “the Church was degraded into a mere factor of civilization, in line with the education through school, theater and press.”16

And the state churches of Europe continue to suffer as a result of this system. In Germany, for example, the “visitation” committees that the secular governments organized at the time of the Reformation, to investigate and supervise the life and work of the congregations,

soon became permanent bureaucracies. Even today, their members represent both the church and the secular government – a reminder of the twofold basis on which they were originally organized. All this has left the Protestant churches in Germany with a still-unresolved problem. In fact, these governmental bureaucracies still make decisions about the life of the church. In so doing, they assume rights and responsibilities that really belong to the congregations. That is true at least of all those tasks that the prince assumed as “chief member” of the church: the selection and the installation of pastors and church officials, the adoption of liturgies for the use in worship, and church discipline – the last is, admittedly, not very energetically administered. Obviously we cannot begin to guess how the situation would have developed if the congregations at the time of the Reformation had retained these responsibilities. The example of all those Protestant congregations who have had to organize themselves under governments who have opposed their very existence demonstrate that the result would not necessarily have been chaos. The fact is, however, that the German Protestant churches have been under the control of the secular government and that, as a result, even today the congregations have hardly any rights and responsibilities. We deceive ourselves if we expect mature congregations to develop under that condition.17

Again, the Reformers had emphasized the point that the governing authorities should assume such duties as “the most eminent members of the church,” and not as “kings and princes.” Nevertheless, “it is very easy to see that this nice distinction might be forgotten and the kings and princes themselves as well as others might come to think that their secular dignity in itself conferred upon them the authority of governing the Church also.”18 By the second half of the seventeenth century there were theologians who were willing to defend and justify this usurpation. John William Baier wrote in 1685 that the duties belonging to the civil magistracy included

The appointing of suitable ministers of the Church; the erection and preservation of schools and houses of worship, as well as the providing for the honorable support of ministers; the appointing of visitations and councils; the framing and maintenance of the laws of the Church, the controlling of the revenues of the Church, and the preservation of Church discipline; the trial of heretical ministers, as also of those of bad character, and all other similar persons belonging to the churches and schools, and the compelling them to appear before a court; providing for the punishment of those convicted of heresies or crimes; and the abrogation of heresies that are manifest and have been condemned by the Church, and of idolatrous forms of worship, so that the Church be cleansed from them.19

“It needs no proof that this is doing what the Augsburg Confession warns against, confounding the civil and the ecclesiastical powers.”20

The Role of Civil Government

Civil rulers, as civil rulers, are to be concerned with matters of external order and discipline in society, and if need be they may use coercive force in preserving such order and discipline. But according to Luther, rulers as rulers are not to be concerned with matters of faith and conscience. “For faith is a free act, to which no one can be forced. Indeed, it is a work of God in the spirit, not something which outward authority should compel or create.”21 There should, therefore, be no laws directed against the holding of heretical opinions. “No ruler ought to prevent anyone from teaching or believing what he pleases, whether it is the gospel or lies. It is enough if he prevents the teaching of sedition and rebellion.”22

However, Luther thought that the proper jurisdiction of the State, with its interest in the preservation of outward societal order, also extended over areas that we would probably not recognize as being within the competency of civil government. He held that those who publicly “teach doctrines contradicting an article of faith clearly grounded in Scripture and believed throughout the world by all Christendom” are “not mere heretics but open blasphemers.”23 And blasphemy, because of the public disruption that it causes, should be censured by the civil authorities. Luther would want to reassure everyone that

By this procedure no one is compelled to believe, for he can still believe what he will; but he is forbidden to teach and to blaspheme. For by so doing he would take from God and the Christians their doctrine and word, and he would do them this injury under their own protection and by means of the things all have in common. Let him go someplace where there are no Christians.24

In summary, we can say that in Luther’s view, the State, in matters of faith,

must not permit any compulsion or maintain a reign of terror. Luther thus asserts the right of freedom of faith and of conscience – not only for Christians who have the true faith but also for heretics. True faith and heresy are both matters of the conscience and of the spirit, and the government may not deal with them by using force. God himself works faith in the heart, and we neither can nor may try to compel someone else to believe. This is also why we cannot overcome and eliminate heresy by force. For it too is a spiritual matter. Against heresy, only the word of God is powerful. Using force only increases the inner strength of the persecuted faith or the heresy – and betrays the inner weakness of one’s own position. Using force implies that one is not able to deal with opponents on the basis of God’s word but only by violence. All this, however, clearly presupposes that the other faith or the heresy does not openly oppose the common Christian teaching. When either of these occurs, the state’s toleration has reached its limit and the authorities must intervene. Luther cites Romans 13 as evidence that the government should intervene against public propaganda for anarchism and communism. He also thinks the government should intervene against a public attack on the scriptural and common Christian articles of faith because such a public attack is blasphemy, and the government ought to punish blasphemy. However, Luther still preserves freedom of faith and of conscience. Only public teaching against the Christian faith is forbidden and threatened with punishment. Luther’s position is also influenced by the consideration that it is not good to have contradictory doctrines proclaimed simultaneously. When that is done, division and tensions are created even in secular life. There is, of course, a great difference between Luther’s ideas and our understanding of our situation in a pluralistic society.25

It was not easy for the Reformers of the sixteenth century to conceive of the possibility of a religiously diverse yet harmonious society, in which the civil government would remain neutral in strictly religious questions. From our perspective almost 500 years later, we are able to see that the Reformers’ Biblically-based principles regarding the distinction between spiritual and temporal authority would naturally lead in this direction. At the time, however, they were not able to rise above the limitations of the medieval world view that they had inherited, and to apply these visionary principles in such a visionary way. Such an experiment would have to wait until the founding of the Rhode Island colony in colonial America in 1636.

Martin Luther’s Two Opinions

From within the limitations of his sixteenth-century perspective, Luther offered this opinion in 1530:

If it happens that in a parish, a city, or a principality, the papists and the Lutherans (as they are called) are crying out against one another because of certain matters of belief, and preaching against one another, and both parties claim that the Scriptures are on their side, I would not willingly tolerate such a division. My Lutherans ought to be willing to abdicate and be silent if they observed that they were not gladly heard, as Christ teaches (Matt. 10:14). They ought to have themselves compelled to preach, as I am. For I leave off readily if people do not want to hear me, and all my preaching and writing has been done under force and compulsion. But if neither party is willing to yield or be silent, or if neither can do so because of official position, then let the rulers take a hand. Let them hear the case and command that party to keep silence which does not agree with the Scriptures. This the great emperor Constantine did when he caused Athanasius and Arius to be heard and their case judged by his procurator, Probus. It is not a good thing that contradictory preaching should go out among the people of the same parish. For from this arise divisions, disorders, hatreds, and envyings which extend to temporal affairs also.26

Certainly Lutherans should wish to live at peace with their neighbors, and should not instigate public conflicts with them – religious or otherwise. But Luther’s advice had deeper implications than this. In the volatile setting of sixteenth-century Europe, such advice would have the effect of discouraging the organization of Lutheran congregations in areas where the government and/or the majority of the population remained committed to another confession. In this instance Luther’s concern for the preservation of social order seems to have overridden his concern for the faith of those who had embraced the teachings of the Lutheran Reformation, and who wanted to cling to the pure marks of the church and worship God according to the dictates of their conscience.

At an earlier time, before his idealism had been shattered by the advent of Anabaptist sectarianism and the upheavals of the Peasants’ Revolt of 1525, Luther had not expressed himself so cautiously. In 1523 he had penned a treatise On the Ministry (De instituendis ministris Ecclesiae) to the Bohemian Utraquists – heirs of the fifteenth-century reformatory efforts of Jan Hus – on the subject of the proper ordering of the Public Ministry of the Gospel among themselves. In this treatise, which emphasized the right of a congregation to elect its own pastor,

Luther dealt positively with the difference between the priesthood of all believers on the basis of baptism and the office of the ministry to which one was called. The tasks of the priest, i.e., of anyone who was baptized, were teaching and preaching, baptizing, consecrating (performing the Eucharist), binding and loosing, praying for others, sacrificing, and judging doctrine and spirits. Luther gave thorough proof of his surprising statement that this was potentially the task of all who were baptized. So remembering Christ in the Eucharist was everyone’s task. By sacrifice, he understood the self-sacrifice of Christians. Judging doctrine was likewise the task of all. However, the public exercise of office was not to be usurped on one’s own authority, but it had rather to be bestowed by all and, if necessary, also revoked. If the papal bishops refused, the church could by itself appoint bishops and ministers (Kirchendiener). In view of the specific circumstances in Bohemia, Luther advocated not only that the congregation choose pastors and preachers, but that it appoint bishops to supervise the church. Wherever this took place with prayer, it was not an innovation contrary to the New Testament. … The Bohemians did not need to doubt that they were the church of God, for wherever the Word of God was, there was the church.27

In one of the key statements of this treatise, Luther explains that

It is of the common rights of Christians that we have been speaking. For since we have proved all of these things to be the common property of all Christians, no one individual can arise by his own authority and arrogate to himself alone what belongs to all. Lay hold then of this right and exercise it, where there is no one else who has the same rights. But the community rights demand that one, or as many as the community chooses, shall be chosen or approved who, in the name of all with these rights, shall perform these functions publicly. Otherwise, there might be shameful confusion among the people of God and a kind of Babylon in the church, in which everything should be done in order, as the Apostle teaches [I Cor. 14:40]. For it is one thing to exercise a right publicly; another to use it in time of emergency. Publicly one may not exercise a right without consent of the whole body or of the church.28

And Luther explicitly states that a Bohemian congregation that wants to take charge of its local affairs in such a manner need not wait for the approval of others. He writes:

It is not necessary, I think, to put this form of election immediately into practice in the Diet of Bohemia as a whole. But if individual cities adopt it for themselves the example of one will soon be followed by another. The Diet might well consider whether this form should be adopted by all of Bohemia, or if one part might accept, and another part postpone decision or even reject it altogether. For none should be forced to believe. We must give freedom and honor to the Holy Spirit that he may move wherever he will. We cannot hope that these things will be acceptable to all, especially right away. The fact that not all agree should not affect you – rather you ought to be moved to the venture when many do not agree with you. It is enough if at first a few set the example. After the use has been established and in the course of time the whole people will be challenged to follow their example. As the venture succeeds, with the help of the Lord, and many cities adopt this method of electing their bishops, then these bishops may wish to come together and elect one or more from their number to be their superiors, who would serve them and hold visitations among them, as Peter visited the churches, according to the account in the Book of Acts [Acts 8:14ff.; 9:32ff.]. Then Bohemia would return again to its rightful and evangelical archbishopric, which would be rich, not in large income and much authority, but in many ministers and visitations of the churches.29

It might be helpful to add here that Luther does not think that the Public Ministry of the Gospel “in the name of all with these rights” is merely a pragmatic humanly-devised arrangement. In his treatise on The Misuse of the Mass, Luther observes that in Titus 1:5-7

Paul says to his disciple Titus: “This is why I left you in Candia, that you might complete what I left unfinished, and appoint elders in every town as I directed you, men who are blameless, the husband of one wife, whose children are believers and not open to the charge of being profligate. For a bishop, as God’s steward, must be blameless,” etc. Whoever believes that here in Paul the Spirit of Christ is speaking and commanding will be sure to recognize this as a divine institution and ordinance, that in each city there should be several bishops, or at least one. It is also evident that Paul considers elders and bishops to be one and the same thing, for he says: Elders are to be appointed and installed in all cities, and that a bishop shall be blameless.30

Likewise, in his Sermon on Keeping Children in School Luther states that “the spiritual estate has been established and instituted by God, not with gold or silver but with the precious blood and bitter death of his only Son, our Lord Jesus Christ [I Pet. 1:18-19].” He explains what he means by “the spiritual estate” when he then says that Christ

paid dearly that men might everywhere have this office of preaching, baptizing, loosing, binding, giving the Sacrament, comforting, warning, and exhorting with God’s Word, and whatever else belongs to the pastoral office [Amt der Seelsorger]. For this office not only helps to further and sustain this temporal life and all the worldly estates, but it also gives eternal life and delivers from sin and death, which is its proper and chief work. Indeed, it is only because of the spiritual estate that the world stands and abides at all; if it were not for this estate, the world would long since have gone down to destruction. I am not thinking, however, of the spiritual estate as we know it today in the monastic houses and the foundations… They give no heed to God’s Word and the office of preaching – and where the Word is not in use the clergy must be bad. The estate I am thinking of is rather one which has the office of preaching [Predigtamt] and the service of the Word and sacraments and which imparts the Spirit and salvation, blessings that cannot be attained by any amount of pomp and pageantry. It includes the work of pastors [Pfarramt], teachers, preachers, lectors, priests (whom men call chaplains), sacristans, schoolmasters, and whatever other work belongs to these offices and persons. This estate the Scriptures highly exalt and praise. St. Paul calls them God’s stewards and servants [I Cor. 4:1]; bishops [Acts 20:28]; doctors, prophets [I Cor. 12:28]; also God’s ambassadors to reconcile the world to God, II Corinthians 5[:20].31

In this respect Luther would want everyone to remember this important vocational distinction:

It is true that all Christians are priests (sacerdos), but not all are pastors. To be a pastor one must be not only a Christian and a priest but must have an office and a field of work committed to him. This call and command make pastors and preachers.32

It is also important to emphasize that the congregational calling process that Luther recommends does not mean that the voting members of a congregation are the “owners” of the Public Ministry, or that they are permitted to exercise arbitrary control over the pastors whom they have called. Jesus Christ is and remains the sole Lord of his Church, and “The offices of the ministry and sacraments are not our property but belong to Christ. For he provided for these and left them with his church so that they might be used and administered till the end of the world.”33 When a congregation of believers issues a call to an ecclesiastical office, they are acting in the stead of Jesus Christ, who is actually issuing this call through them. They are not functioning as a collection of opinionated individuals with the right to impose their human expectations on the pastor. Rather, in calling ministers they are functioning as the body of Christ, under his divine authority. If a Christian congregation would forget this, and would try to silence a faithful pastor or “manage” his ministry in their own sinful interests, Luther would remind them of the facts:

I certainly hope you will have enough Christian understanding to know that the ministry of the Gospel is neither our property nor the property of any human being, not even of an angel. It belongs to God, our Lord, who has purchased it with His blood, has given and instituted it for our salvation. Therefore He severely condemns those who despise it. He says: “He that despiseth you despiseth Me” (Luke 10:16). … You are not lords over preachers and the ministry; you have not established the office. God’s Son alone has done so. Nor have you contributed anything to it. You have far less right to it than the devil to the kingdom of heaven. You should not lord it over the ministry or give it directions. Nor should you keep it from rebuking. For its rebuke is not of men but of God, who does not want the rebuke hindered. He has commanded it. Tend to your own business, and leave God’s governing unmolested lest He teach you to do so.34

In a similar vein, Luther would admonish his fellow preachers to be conscientious in their calling and attentive to the spiritual needs of their flock, and he would warn them against the temptation to abuse their office in the interest of a love of power or greed for money. He reflects on these dangers in a sermon to his own congregation:

My office, and that of every preacher and minister, does not consist in any sort of lordship but in serving all of you, so that you learn to know God, become baptized, have the true Word of God, and finally are saved. Never do I claim worldly power; princes and lords, mayors and judges, are to establish and provide for that. My office is merely a service which I am to give to everyone freely and gratuitously, nor should I seek from it either money or goods, either honor or anything else. For if I were to preach in order to receive a big salary, to be made a king or an emperor, you could not get me into the pulpit with ten horses. I would not take a thousand florins for every sermon, for I would know that I would go to the devil with them if I sought no more in the ministry than how to become rich. For as soon as I preached for the sake of money, I would preach what the people like to hear in order thereby to get the money. Therefore I am preaching freely, for nothing, and this I must do; nor should I seek either honor or good from it. … But I have been bidden to serve you and whomever I can with teaching, instructing, comforting, and exhorting with the Word of God, that you may be saved, that I do not lord it over you but bring you together with myself under one Lord, who is called Christ. Beyond this service I seek nothing. But, to be sure, if I do you this service, it, in turn, is your duty to support me. For since I am to serve you by my preaching ministry, I cannot at the same time attend to earning my support. Therefore you are obliged to support me, too, entirely for nothing; for he who serves at the altar, says St. Paul, should live from the altar.35

Where the Church Can Be Found

The practical advice that Luther had given to the Bohemians in 1523 was based squarely on one of the chief theological insights of the Reformation, namely that the church of Jesus Christ, with all of its God-given authority and prerogatives, is discernibly present wherever God’s people are gathered around God’s Word. And so, according to Luther, “wherever you hear or see this word preached, believed, professed, and lived, do not doubt that the true ecclesia sancta catholica, ‘a Christian holy people’ must be there, even though their number is very small.”36 In contrast to the physical temple of God in Jerusalem during Old Testament times, Luther affirms that

The temple is now as wide as the world. For the Word is preached and the sacraments administered everywhere; and wherever these are properly observed, whether it be in a ship on the sea, or in a house on land, there is God’s house, or the Church, and there God should be sought and found.37

In his address To the Christian Nobility of the German Nation, Luther had explained that the pastor of a congregation of confessing Christians does not acquire his legitimacy through subjection to an episcopal hierarchy. Rather,

when a bishop consecrates it is nothing else than that in the place and stead of the whole community, all of whom have like power, he takes a person and charges him to exercise this power on behalf of the others. It is like ten brothers, all king’s sons and equal heirs, choosing one of themselves to rule the inheritance in the interests of all. In one sense they are all kings and of equal power, and yet one of them is charged with the responsibility of ruling. To put it still more clearly: suppose a group of earnest Christian laymen were taken prisoner and set down in a desert without an episcopally ordained priest among them. And suppose they were to come to a common mind there and then in the desert and elect one of their number, whether he were married or not, and charge him to baptize, say mass, pronounce absolution, and preach the Gospel. Such a man would be as truly a priest as though he had been ordained by all the bishops and popes in the world. That is why in cases of necessity anyone can baptize and give absolution. … In times gone by Christians used to choose their bishops and priests in this way from among their own number, and they were confirmed in their office by the other bishops without all the fuss that goes on nowadays. St. Augustine, Ambrose, and Cyprian each became [a bishop in this way]. … Because we are all priests of equal standing, no one must push himself forward and take it upon himself, without our consent and election, to do that for which we all have equal authority. For no one dare take upon himself what is common to all without the authority and consent of the community.38

Luther also responds to some of the objections that had been raised against his theology in another treatise from the year 1523, with the self-explanatory title: That A Christian Assembly or Congregation Has the Right and Power to Judge All Teaching and to Call, Appoint, and Dismiss Teachers, Established and Proven by Scripture. He writes:

But if you say, “Did not St. Paul command Timothy and Titus to institute priests [I Tim. 4:13; Titus 1:5], and do we not read, Acts 14[:23], that Paul and Barnabas instituted priests among the congregations? (Therefore, the congregation cannot call anyone, nor can anyone draw attention to himself and preach among Christians; rather, one must have permission and authorization from bishops, abbots, or other prelates who represent the apostles)” I answer that if our bishops, abbots, etc., did represent the apostles, as they boast, our opinion would certainly be to let them do what Titus, Timothy, Paul, and Barnabas did when they instituted priests, etc. But since they represent the devil and are wolves who neither want to teach the Gospel nor suffer it to be taught, they are as little concerned with instituting the office of preaching or pastoral care among Christians as the Turks or the Jews are. They should drive asses and lead dogs. Moreover, if they were really decent bishops who wanted to have the Gospel and wanted to institute decent preachers, they still could not and should not do so without the will, the election, and the call of the congregation – except in those cases where need made it necessary so that souls would not perish for lack of the divine Word. For in such a need, as you have heard, not only may anyone procure a preacher, be it through pleas or the power of worldly authority, but he should also hurry to the scene himself and make an appearance and teach if he can – for need is need and has no limits – just as everyone should hurry to the scene of a fire in town and not wait until asked to come. Otherwise, if there is no such need and if there are those who have the right, power, and grace to teach, no bishop should institute anyone without the election, will, and call of the congregation. Rather, he should confirm the one whom the congregation chose and called; if he does not do it, he [the elected man] is confirmed anyway by virtue of the congregation’s call. Neither Titus nor Timothy nor Paul ever instituted a priest without the congregation’s election and call. This is clearly proven by the sayings in Titus 1[:7] and I Timothy 3[:10], “A bishop or priest should be blameless,” and, “Let the deacon be tested first.” Now Titus could not have known which ones were blameless; such a report must come from the congregation, which must name the man. Again, we even read in Acts 6[:1-6] regarding an even lesser office, that the apostles were not permitted to institute persons as deacons without the knowledge and consent of the congregation. Rather, the congregation elected and called the seven deacons, and the apostles confirmed them. If, then, the apostles were not permitted to institute, on their own authority, an office having to do only with the distribution of temporal food, how could they have dared to impose the highest office of preaching on anyone by their own power without the knowledge, will, and call of the congregation?39

And finally, among the official Confessions of the church, the Treatise declares that

when the regular bishops become enemies of the Gospel or are unwilling to ordain, the churches retain their right to do so. For wherever the church exists, there also is the right to administer the gospel. Therefore it is necessary for the church to retain the right to call, choose, and ordain ministers. This right is a gift bestowed exclusively on the church, and no human authority can take it away from the church, as Paul testifies to the Ephesians [4:8,11,12] when he says: “When he ascended on high…he gave gifts to his people.” Among those gifts belonging to the church he lists pastors and teachers and adds that such are given for serving and building up the body of Christ. Therefore, where the true church is, there must also be the right of choosing and ordaining ministers, just as in an emergency even a layperson grants absolution and becomes the minister or pastor of another. So Augustine tells the story of two Christians in a boat, one of whom baptized the other (a catechumen) and then the latter, having been baptized, absolved the former. Pertinent here are the words of Christ that assert that the keys were given to the church, not just to particular persons: “For where two or three are gathered in my name…” [Matt. 18:20]. Finally this is also confirmed by Peter’s declaration [1 Peter 2:9]: “You are a…royal priesthood.” These words apply to the true church, which, since it alone possesses the priesthood, certainly has the right of choosing and ordaining ministers. The most common practice of the church also testifies to this, for in times past the people chose pastors and bishops. Then the bishop of either that church or a neighboring one came and confirmed the candidate by the laying on of hands. Ordination was nothing other than such confirmation.40

Reforming and Governing the Church

These basic principles had been articulated by Luther and the other Reformers on many occasions. It therefore does not surprise us that the earliest comprehensive attempt at reorganizing the church in a distinctly Lutheran way was characterized by a desire to implement them:

The first true Reformation church order was prepared for the principality of Hesse in 1526, by the former Franciscan Francis Lambert on the request of Landgrave Philip. The landgrave had already undertaken actions, such as the suppression of cloisters, as his way of fulfilling the edicts of the Diet of Speyer authorizing rulers to settle religious differences in their realms in a way pleasing both to God and to the emperor. This ordinance was adopted by a synod of clergy and laity at Homberg. It provided for a democratic organization in which congregations elected their own pastors, elders, and deacons and sent their pastors and elected representatives to an annual synod or assembly. This synod was charged with overseeing the care of the whole territorial church and providing a superintendent (the Latin term for bishop) for each district. The landgrave was permitted only to take part in deliberations and to vote. When Landgrave Philip showed this church order to Luther, the reformer advised that it was not suited to the needs of Hesse, that some interim step was needed before Hesse could move to a representative or synodical form of church life, and induced the Hessians to adopt the model of the Saxon Visitation instead. The Elector of Saxony had taken up Luther’s request that a visitation of parishes and church institutions be carried out and appointed a number of Visitors.

When he requested his own prince to do this, Luther had clearly explained that

the assistance of the Elector was viewed as a service of love and not as a rightful function of government. The Elector, however, had issued his own “Instructions” as a prince and granted the Visitors “power and authority” from himself. Thus, the Saxon Visitation marked the beginning of the state control of the Lutheran churches in Germany. The model that emerged from Electoral Saxony had the prince as summus episcopus, appointing visitation committees to examine and evaluate church life, consistories to judge doctrine and practices, and superintendents to oversee pastoral care of the parishes. The organization of the Reformation in the cities was often patterned after the organization in Wittenberg. The city council usually designated one of the city pastors to serve as superintendent or senior of the ministerium and made him responsible for the religious life of the entire city.41

Should Luther have had enough foresight to anticipate the way in which this paternalistic arrangement would be misused by a later generation of princes, who ended up not being much more accountable to the church at large than the pope had been? Was he, in fact, betraying the principles of an evangelical church polity that he had so clearly enunciated in the past, when he now advocated the top-down approach of Electoral Saxony, rather than the bottom-up approach that Philip of Hesse had wanted? In fairness we should not accuse Luther of something that serious (although we might see some evidence here of an overreaction to the threat of the Anabaptists and unruly peasants). Just as he had wanted the direct involvement of the princes in church affairs to be a temporary arrangement, so also he did not reject Landgrave Philip’s proposal as inherently mistaken or permanently unworkable. But he did believe that the German people, at that stage in their history, were not ready for something like this.

In principle Luther always believed that the members and pastors of local parishes should govern their own local affairs on the basis of God’s Word. But, he also believed that they should be able to do this before they are asked to do this. In the 1520s Luther had good reason to believe that they were not even close to having this ability. He was aware of the serious problems that existed in many of the parishes of Germany, at first from the reports of others, and later from his own experience as an official visitor in Electoral Saxony and Meissen (in 1528 and 1529). In the Preface to the Small Catechism he describes the “deplorable, wretched deprivation” that he encountered during these visitations:

Dear God, what misery I beheld! The ordinary person, especially in the villages, knows absolutely nothing about the Christian faith, and unfortunately many pastors are completely unskilled and incompetent teachers. Yet supposedly they all bear the name Christian, are baptized, and receive the holy sacrament, even though they do not know the Lord’s Prayer, the Creed, or the Ten Commandments! As a result they live like simple cattle or irrational pigs and, despite the fact that the gospel has returned, have mastered the fine art of misusing all their freedom.42

We can easily sympathize with Luther’s conclusion that it would not be pleasing to God or beneficial to the church for the weighty responsibilities of ecclesiastical government to be entrusted to such people. But in another time and place, where the clergy would be well-educated in theology and ecclesiology, where the laity would be well-catechized in Christian doctrine, and where both would have reached the necessary level of wisdom, maturity, and sophistication, we would expect Luther to think differently.

And now, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, we would also have to agree that

The ideal of a strictly Christian state, altogether based on the fundamental truths of the Christian religion, without any compulsion and tyranny in religious matters, can be realized only where all the subjects of the State are professing Christians, and is at present realized nowhere. Under the present circumstances, which will hardly ever change for the better, the total separation of Church and State…is the only arrangement that is just and fair to all citizens. … Luther entirely agreed with this principle of total separation between Church and State, but held that circumstances at his time were such that out of love to the Church the civil government had to take hold of the government of the Church also, and hoped the time would come when the correct principle could be carried out fully. This time never came. The princes assumed as right what was given them at first by necessity, and later Lutheran theologians justified this as normal.43

The Local Congregation

The Lutheran state-church system was at its height in the second half of the seventeenth century. But even at that time there were still some people who were able to recognize what the natural contours of Lutheranism would be if its external institutional life could be shaped according to the impulses of its internal theological life, and not according to the constrictions of an authoritarian hierarchy or government-sponsored bureaucracy. Veit Ludwig von Seckendorf, a high-ranking Saxon attorney, was one such person. He did encourage those parishes that were already a part of an established church to conform to its administrative procedures, and to submit to its consistorial oversight. But in his understanding of the deeper ecclesiological issues he demonstrated a sharper acuity than some of the professional theologians in his day. According to Seckendorf, if we want to know, ultimately, where the spiritual authority of Christ’s church can be found, it is

safest to adhere to the principle that Christ Himself has given when He said: “Where two or three (not to speak of a larger congregation) are gathered together in My name, I am there in the midst of them” (Matt. 18:20). From this it follows that such an assembly or congregation in itself has the power to do and execute all things that are demanded for the exercise of divine worship and for which Christ has promised His gracious presence. Such an assembly, though it has an inward communion with other Christians and the same confession or religion, nevertheless is not of necessity or by obligation directed to anyone else, but it has Christ in its midst by His Word and sacraments, just as have the others. Hence, it must also have the proper and certain right to call persons for worship and ministry; for this belongs to the church or congregation, which has the authority to elect one or several competent persons to serve as presbyters or elders and leaders in doctrine. Now if the congregation already has pastors, they above all, together with the rest, belong to those who are to call and appoint pastors along with the magistrates, and no [e]state should be excluded. Now if today a congregation of converted Christians would be organized, let us say, in India or on an unknown island by a Christian landing there, it follows from what has been said – and the theologians may expatiate on this matter – that such a congregation, according to God’s Word, can establish the ministry and ministerium by its own power; and though thereby it essentially would become a member of the universal church, being united in doctrine, it would not be absolutely bound to send its ministers for ordination or consecration to a bishop or a consistory or ministerium, especially if that would be difficult on account of great distance or peril; nor would it have to be governed in outward church matters by foreign authorities. Yet it would maintain communion with all other Christians by its same doctrine and faith without depending on any church government. However, it would be neither a sin nor a heresy if it would adhere to a certain church and its government, as some separatists in England think who greatly exaggerate the idea of liberty. We have examples of coreligionists [fellow Lutherans] living in distant lands, such as in Moscow, where for hundreds of miles there are no churches of our confession, who maintain congregations and public worship. Similarly, there are many congregations in Hungary under Turkish rule who have pastors and exercitia religionis (exercises of religion). These cannot be asked to become members of the external church in other countries and subject themselves to certain superintendents or consistories, but such congregations have the full right to appoint their own ministerium and ministers. The pastor whom they call does everything in such congregations that is the duty of a bishop or superintendent of a large diocese; for it is not the size or number in itself that determines the increase or decrease of the office. … When we consider that the first church meetings were held, as time and place permitted, in humble private homes, perhaps also in the fields and woods or in caves and caverns, as well as that neither archbishops nor bishops administered the office of a minister or pastor in the way and with such authority as in later times, but very poor and simple persons who during the week, especially in poor congregations, had to support themselves by working on the farms, we can understand much better that the kind of church government that developed in the course of time and still prevails today is not a matter that stems immediately from any divine command or right, or that on this depends the truth of the doctrine or the very essence of the church.44

For Confessional Lutherans it is axiomatic that

matters of church government belong to the adiaphora, to the “rites and ceremonies, instituted by men” (Augsburg Confession VII), concerning which there may and must be freedom in the church. Christ is not the legislator of a human religious fellowship, and the Gospel has in it no law which prescribes the only right way of organization and polity for the church. One must be clear as to what this means. Other churches have “an order by which the Lord wills the church to be governed,” as Calvin put it. This is true of all Catholic churches, both of the East and of the West, and of all Reformed churches. Their differences have to do only with what that order must be – the universal monarchy of the pope, the episcopal-synodical government of the church as in the Eastern churches and Anglicanism, a ruling senate of presbyters among whom there must be no differences of rank, or the autonomy of the individual congregation as in Congregationalism and among the Baptists. These are just a few notable options, all of which claim to represent what the New Testament requires for the polity of the church. Luther’s entire greatness and the boldness of his basic theological principle of the strict separation of Law and Gospel become evident when one sees how[,] beyond all these possibilities[,] he goes his lonesome way: Christ gave his church no such law prescribing one right organization, government, and polity (de constituenda ecclesia). Any way of organizing things may do, so long as the means of grace are going on and are not frustrated.45

This does not mean, however, that Lutherans are not able to recognize the fundamental importance of the local congregation, since

God does indeed command Christians to assemble. This is inherent in the command to teach and preach the gospel and to administer the sacraments. The early Christians recognized this (Acts 2:42). When some withdrew from their assemblies, they were admonished: “Let us not give up meeting together, as some are in the habit of doing” (Hebrews 10:25). Christians need the encouragement they can give one another. They need to “spur one another on toward love and good deeds” (v. 24). This requires first of all some kind of local gatherings. Christians must gather at some particular place where they will regularly hear God’s Word and receive the sacraments; where they are encouraged, admonished, and edified; where church discipline can be carried out according to Matthew 18. We call these primary gatherings local congregations.46

Following through on these thoughts, we observe furthermore that

In Matt. 18:18-20, the Power of the Keys is said to exist wherever “two or three are gathered together in my name.” Wherever, then, there is a Christian congregation, there is authority to communicate to penitent and believing individuals the Gospel promise of the gratuitous forgiveness of sins for Christ’s sake. … The authority delegated by Christ rests ultimately in any congregation of two or three believers. Such assembly, as the Spirit of Christ influences it, will act with reference to the interests of the entire Church, and according to a fixed order. But it is never to be forgotten, that all the power of the Church exists in its smallest congregation, and is not derived by the local assemblies, through larger Particular Churches, and by Particular Churches from the Church Universal, and by the Church Universal from Christ. The New Testament conception of Christ, dwelling in the heart of the believer, and making him a king and priest unto God, does not provide for a long and complicated series of agencies whereby we may reach Christ and Christ may reach us.47

This is in complete accord with the Apology of the Augsburg Confession when it states that

the church is not only an association of external ties and rites like other civic organizations, but it is principally an association of faith and the Holy Spirit in the hearts of persons. It nevertheless has its external marks so that it can be recognized, namely, the pure teaching of the gospel and the administration of the sacraments in harmony with the gospel of Christ. Moreover, this church alone is called the body of Christ, which Christ renews, sanctifies, and governs by his Spirit…48

The history of Lutheranism in America provides us with a good example of an ecclesiastical polity that acknowledges the centrality and importance of local congregations, where the divinely-instituted marks of the church are most vividly and fully evident. The Lutheran Church in the United States,

unhampered by any union with the state, was able to apply without hindrance the principles of Church government which she believed to be most evangelical and best adapted to the circumstances in which she found herself. At the basis of her organization lies the local congregation, consisting of pastor and laity, which potentially possesses all the rights and duties committed to and enjoined upon the Church. The pastor, chosen by the congregation, is the person charged both with the official administration of the Means of Grace and with the spiritual leadership in the congregation. All the local affairs of the congregation are administered under his leadership. A Church Council…is elected to assist the pastor in the direction of the affairs of the congregation. … For the doing of the work of the Church which lies beyond the local sphere, the congregations are united in synods. The work of education, missions, mercy and other general activities of the Church cannot be performed by individual congregations acting separately, but is performed by the congregations acting together in a synodical organization. The synod derives its powers from the congregations which have united to constitute it… It lawfully possesses and should exercise those powers and those only which the congregations have expressly delegated to it.49

As we have already observed, the Lutheran Church in sixteenth-century Europe was, as a rule, organized in a significantly different way. But there is one example – a vitally important example – of an exception to this rule.

Lutheranism in the Netherlands

Lutheranism entered the Netherlands as early as 1518.50 An early center of Lutheran activity was the city of Antwerp in the Southern Netherlands (now Belgium), where the Lutherans came to be called “Martinists.” The monks of the Augustinian monastery there “had been profoundly influenced by their German brother-member Martin Luther.”51 This monastery “furnished able preachers” for the Lutheran cause,52 and also produced its first two martyrs: Hendrik Vos (Voes) and Johann Esch (van Essen). They were executed in Brussels on July 1, 1523, and died bravely. “These first martyrs of Lutheranism, when fastened to the stake, repeated the Apostles’ Creed, and then, until suffocated by the flames, chanted responsively the Te Deum laudamus.”53

“While separate Lutheran congregations began to be formed, according to V. E. Löscher, as early as 1528 at Utrecht, nevertheless for a long time Lutheranism was the name of a powerful tendency, before it began to organize congregations.”54 This delay in the formal organization of Lutheranism in the Netherlands was due to none other than Luther himself. In the 1540s the “Martinists” in Antwerp had asked him for his advice as to whether or not they should organize congregations, which could meet in homes.55 In keeping with the previously-mentioned opinion that he had expressed in 1530, he answered them in the negative. Luther was concerned about “distinguishing his followers from the Anabaptists,”56 who were very active in the Netherlands, and therefore he was opposed “to any form of secret house church, which competed with the public church.” Lutherans “should either be satisfied with private devotions at home, or be prepared to leave the country” and resettle in an area where the Lutheran Church was permitted by the government. But “such advice took no account of the circumstances in which Dutch dissidents found themselves. Despite Luther clandestine gatherings took place spontaneously because evangelicals who wanted to study the Scripture and the fashionable new theologies were denied an opportunity to do so within the Catholic Church.”57 Out of respect for the Reformer, however, these informal gatherings – at least the distinctly Lutheran ones – were not allowed to develop into anything more permanent or structured. “For twenty years the Martinists waited, unorganized, served occasionally by army chaplains.” By comparison, the growing number of Calvinists in Antwerp had no such scruples. During this same time period, while Roman Catholicism was still the only legally-permitted confession in the Netherlands, “the Calvinists prospered, organized around a semi-secret and vigorous consistory.”58

The situation in Antwerp changed in 1566. In September of that year Prince William of Orange persuaded Archduchess Margaret, who governed the Netherlands as the regent for King Philip II of Spain, “to grant the Protestants religious freedom to worship within the Antwerp city walls.” Roman Catholicism continued to be the established religion of the city, but the so-called “‘September Accords’ made Protestantism legal in the Netherlands for the first time.” According to the provisions of these Accords “Calvinists and Lutherans were allowed each three churches inside the city walls,” and the Calvinist and Lutheran communities would each be governed by a group of six deputies, “responsible to the city council.”59 “Each such group was a kind of state within a state.”60

The religious toleration that was hereby granted was tenuous at best, but when the Accords were issued the Lutherans “decided that the time had come which Luther had told them to wait for.”61 They called pastors62 and started to hold public worship services:

When the Martinists began public worship, their Calvinist neighbors could look in, and they did not like what they saw. They were offended, for one thing, that there were services on Saints’ days. … Although the Calvinists had not yet got around to serving Holy Communion, they were displeased that the Martinists scheduled it every Sunday. They did not like it that the “vleescheters” (flesh-eaters) and “bloetdrinkers” (blood-drinkers), as they called the Lutherans, knelt to receive it. The latter, for their part, hurled back their own epithets, calling the Calvinists swermers (enthusiasts, ravers) and bilderstormers (iconoclasts).63

The Antwerp Martinists also invited six Lutheran theologians to come from Germany to help them in the formal organization of their church.64 Foremost among these was the Croatian-Italian scholar Matthias Flacius Illyricus (Matija Vlačić Ilirik), who had become famous through his vocal opposition to the “Leipzig Interim” of 1548.65 He arrived in Antwerp on October 5. Another well-known Lutheran who spent some time in Antwerp during this period (although he was not one of the six officially-appointed organizers) was Joachim Westphal of Hamburg.

Matthias Flacius Illyricus and the Antwerp Confession

Soon after his arrival Flacius began to work on a church order for the Lutherans, the “Antwerp Confession,” which was published around December 1. It was a pivotal document in the history of the Lutheran Church:

In the discussion leading to the Confession, Joachim Westphal, who visited Antwerp that Fall, advised that they continue following Luther’s advice against a “house church.” If Luther’s own advice had been taken there would have been no organization at all. But, on what is probably the threshold from folk-church to denomination in the midst of pluralism, Flacius quoted Luther’s letter to the Bohemians against Luther’s letter to Antwerp, and made it the basis for a new church order. It was he, “especially, who against Westphal, appealing to the young Luther, held fast to the thought that a congregation has the power to establish its own organization, to elect its own teachers and to call its own preachers.”66

“Here for the first time in history a Lutheran ‘free’ church was founded: it was independent of the government of the country and had its own ecclesiastical administration.”67 The Antwerp Confession was doctrinally conservative, “in the tradition of the Smalcaldic Articles,”68 but in its establishment of a congregational-synodical church polity it was breaking new ground. Today we may take this kind of polity for granted, but in the mid-sixteenth century it was still an untested theory, which Luther had been afraid to implement during his own lifetime.

According to the Antwerp Confession, the “deputies” appointed by the congregation “were to protect the material interest of the congregation” and “to call and supervise ministers. The position of these deputies was more or less derived from the administrative competence that in German Lutheranism was assigned to the sovereign as praecipuum membrum ecclesiae (chief member of the church).”69

The sad story of the capitulation of Antwerp to a Spanish army under the command of the Duke of Alva in 1567, and the consequent dispersing of the Lutheran congregations and the proscription of any non-Catholic religious practice, need not be recounted here. Nevertheless, the influence of the Antwerp Confession outlived the congregations for which it was originally prepared. There were other places in Europe with Lutherans in similar circumstances, and before long the Antwerp model of Lutheran church organization “spread to German congregations in Cologne and Aachen, as well as to Dutch congregations such as Woerden and Amsterdam, in which the Antwerp Lutherans took refuge after the collapse of their city in 1567.”70

The Amsterdam Congregation

Amsterdam now began to play an especially prominent role in the preservation and extension of “free-church” Lutheranism in Europe and beyond. “Amsterdam, as a commercial center, was in constant intercourse with other parts of Europe, especially northern Germany and England, and could not remain isolated from the religious movements that were agitating the countries closely connected with its mercantile enterprises. In 1531 there were both Lutherans and Reformed among its citizens.”71 The Lutherans in Amsterdam had attempted to organize themselves more formally in 1566, following the example of their coreligionists in Antwerp in that same year, but they were hindered in this effort by the Calvinists of the city, who “became alarmed over the prospect of a divided Protestantism at a time when Catholicism was still dominant in the land.”72

Calvinist opposition to an organized Lutheran Church in the Netherlands did not abate, and reached the level of outright persecution after the political independence of the Netherlands from Spain. In 1572 Calvinism was officially adopted by Holland and Zealand. These provinces, “after introducing the Reformed faith as the national religion, declared that the followers of the Augsburg Confession did not need their own church, because the Reformed faith was not at variance with this confession.” In response, “the Amsterdam Lutherans informed the government that the Reformed doctrines were at variance with the Augsburg Confession.”73 By 1583 Calvinism had prevailed in all the United Provinces,74 and its adherents sought every opportunity to suppress the Lutherans:

The persecution reached its climax in 1600, when the South and North Holland Synods appealed to the magistrates of the towns to prohibit Lutheran public worship, which caused considerable agitation for several years. For a brief period the church in Amsterdam was actually closed. The persecution in the city continued until 1604, when the civil authorities insisted upon internal harmony in order to take full advantage of the prosperity arising from the increasing overseas trade. Toleration elsewhere, however, was only partial, for the States General permitted services to be held only in the towns but forbade them in all but two villages. Full toleration came only at the beginning of the nineteenth century.75

And so, “The Lutherans owed it only to the liberal conduct of the Dutch government,” and not to the goodwill of the leaders of the Reformed Church, “that they were able, especially after 1604, to enjoy reasonable freedom, taking into account the intolerant atmosphere that ruled the rest of Europe. With only a few exceptions the government turned a blind eye to their religious practice.”76 The Reformed Church continued to have an antagonistic attitude toward the Lutherans, but

This antagonism proved more annoying than formidable. The ‘states of Holland’ were on the side of tolerance. The rise of Arminianism, just as the seventeenth century was entered, gave Calvinism in Holland an opponent, which, for the time being, was deemed more formidable.77

The form of church government employed by the Dutch Lutherans was determined in part by the requirements of Dutch civil law,

which provided that the congregations of all faiths be governed by a consistory [consistorium], or church council, embracing the pastors and elders. A lower rank of officers, the deacons, were occasionally permitted, in the smaller churches, to become members of the consistory. In the Calvinist congregations the elders were appointed by the magistrates; in the Lutheran congregations they were elected by the church members because there were no Lutheran magistrates.78

In addition, the Lutherans regulated themselves according to constitutions that were adopted by each congregation. “In 1597 the congregation in Amsterdam, which was by far the largest Lutheran church in the Netherlands, prepared a church order, or constitution, to govern itself. With subsequent revisions this was adopted by other congregations in the Netherlands during the early decades of the seventeenth century.”79 This constitution, which bears the title Christliche Ordonnantie, “stands directly in the Antwerp tradition.”80 As revised in 1614, 1644, and 1681, it

binds all preachers to teach according to the rule of the divine Word, as declared in the prophetic and apostolic Scriptures, and forbids them to depart from either the doctrine or the modes of expression “of our symbolical books, viz., the Unaltered Augsburg Confession, its Apology, the Smalcald Articles, and the Formula of Concord, together with the two catechisms of Luther.” All sermons are to be directed to the edification of the congregation, by teaching God’s Word purely, distinguishing between true and false doctrine, and, with all plainness and directness, reproving sin.81

The 1644 version of the constitution demonstrates that the Dutch Lutherans still felt the need to explain and defend their congregational form of church government, and they seem, in fact, to be somewhat apologetic about it:

Although we know and confess that the two regiments, spiritual and secular, must be distinguished, and neither one of them are permitted to interfere in the office of the other, still – because in the Churches of the Augsburg Confession the Christian magistrate[,] as member of the church and her nourisher[,] out of Christian love[,] participates in the government; for Paul, too, says that the Almighty God has set helpers and rulers into his congregation. I Cor. XII. This Christian congregation, because of the lack of such a magistrate, elects four men from the whole congregation each year, which here are called “deputies,” so they are helpers and that everything take place in an orderly fashion for the edification of the congregation of God.82

The local congregation was central in the Dutch Lutheran system, but each congregation also had, and cultivated, a fraternal interest in the welfare of the other congregations. Accordingly, in 1605 (the year after the overt Calvinist persecution was brought to an end), a “fraternity” was formed by six congregations and seven pastors, headed by the church in Amsterdam.83

In general, things were set up among the Lutherans in the Netherlands in the following manner:

Every congregation was governed by a “consistorium,” composed of the pastors and lay elders, or such other persons as were elected by the congregation. The final decision in all doctrinal questions belonged to the pastors. All discussions of the consistorium were secret. Ordinations occurred either in the congregation of which the candidate had been elected pastor, or in the congregation at Amsterdam. The [pastoral] representatives of the three nearest congregations and a representative of the congregation at Amsterdam officiated at such ordinations. Controversies between pastors were not brought before the congregation, but were settled in the consistorium. The congregation was held responsible for the support of the widows and orphans of its pastor.

In regard to the above-mentioned “lay elders,”

The time of their election was fixed as the first Sunday in May, at the time and place of the afternoon service. Ten names were nominated yearly for elders, and twelve for deacons, double the number to be elected. The term of service was two years. No one elected was excused, unless for most clear and weighty reasons. To avoid all offense, a father and son, or two brothers, or two brothers-in-law could not serve in these offices at the same time. They were installed with the laying on of hands, and, at the expiration of their term, they were dismissed from office, according to a very full order, in which they receive the thanks of the congregation for their services, and the benediction of the pastor. They were responsible for the pure preaching of God’s Word, the right administration of the sacraments, the godly life, and the observance of the church regulations by the pastor; and, for this purpose, the presence of at least some of the elders at every public service was deemed necessary. On the dismission of the congregation, they stood by the door with the receptacles for the collections in their hands, in order to receive the contributions of the people for the support of the church and for the poor. In this they were aided by the deacons. They saw to the support of the pastor, and cooperated with him in removing all causes of offense among the members, in reproving sin wherever it occurred, in bringing the erring to repentance, or, where this could not be effected, in the exercise of discipline. The deacons were purely collectors and distributors of alms. In their house-to-house visitations they were charged with the duty of bringing to the church service those who had been negligent in this particular. There was also a special office devoted to the care of the sick [Zieken-trooster, “comforter of the sick”]. This included frequent visitations by one competent to console the sick with God’s Word, who reported to the pastor as his spiritual, or to the deacons as their pecuniary, aid was needed. As parish clerk, the same officer was charged with the duty of putting the hymns on the hymn-board, keeping the register of baptisms and marriages, collecting the requests for the special prayers of the congregation, and reporting all irregularities of those receiving alms to the deacons or consistorium.84

The Lutheran congregation in Amsterdam continued to grow numerically – and in importance – so that by 1698

there were for the one congregation two church buildings, with six ministers, one of whom preached in German, and thirty thousand souls. For many generations it had the distinction of being the largest Lutheran congregation in the world. This large and wealthy congregation had to bear the chief burden of the support of the Lutheran church throughout the entire country; and with this responsibility it gained corresponding influence. … Every five years a synod of all the Lutheran congregations was held at Amsterdam. It was the gradual development of the union, made in 1605, between seven of the Lutheran pastors, whose parishes had previously been isolated and independent, which was followed by the “Fraternity” of 1614. Important matters occurring between the meetings were settled, if possible, by an appeal to the three nearest congregations.85

Amsterdam’s International Influence

The importance and influence of Amsterdam was also felt beyond the Netherlands:

In the first half of the 17th century the Netherlands founded a colony in North America. But the Dutch themselves were not particularly eager to emigrate and recruited foreigners to populate this outpost, among them many Lutherans. In 1649 these Lutherans asked the Amsterdam consistory to send them a pastor. It took eight years before their wish was granted; as formerly in the homeland, so now the opposition of the Reformed colonists was persistent and severe.86

It was so severe, in fact, that the colonial authorities prevented the pastor who had been sent in 1657 (Johannes Ernestus Gutwasser) from exercising his office among the Lutherans in New Netherland. Spurred on by the Reformed clergy, they compelled him to return to Holland instead.87

But the tide turned in 1664, when “The English conquered New Amsterdam, renamed it New York, and granted freedom of religion.”88 The devout Lutherans in New York were delighted by these events. The two congregations that existed at the time – in New York City (New Amsterdam) and Albany (Beverwyck) – had been struggling to survive for almost twenty years. In a more formal way they now

started organizing themselves by appointing elders and governors. In 1669 the minister Jacobus Fabritius, sent by Amsterdam, arrived. He continued the congregational organization by applying the Amsterdam Church Order.89

In New York City, for example, as reported by the new pastor, “twelve men from the congregation, who were found suitable thereto, were, with the general approval and after previous special announcement and the delivery of an election sermon, publicly ordained and elected to the offices of elders, deacons and overseers” [Ouderlingen, diaconen ende voorstanders].90 Also, before long

the office of lay reader [Voorleser] was used, and by the close of the seventeenth century also that of church master [Kerkmeester]. All the officers, together with the Pastor, were members of the Church Council [Kerkeraad]. … All the offices were copied from the Amsterdam Lutheran Church, excepting that of the lay reader. … In the Amsterdam Church there were “school-masters” [School-meesters], whose duties in the absence of the pastor were similar to those of the lay reader…91

The constitution that was adopted by the New York City congregation

provided for a solid core of lay leadership, including elected elders and deacons, and a lay reader and a bell-ringer. The elected officials served on the church council and had responsibility for church funds. In matters of “doctrine, faith, and morals” the elders and the pastor were to decide together. Collection and distribution of alms for the poor were the deacons’ distinctive charge. The lay reader led singing and read from prepared materials when the pastor was absent, likely serving in another congregation. The bell-ringers’ tasks included the obvious one, as well as having water ready for baptisms, sweeping the church, digging graves, and responsibility for the church-key.

This constitution, inspired by the precedent of Amsterdam, successfully “addressed the local situation of a free church with voluntary membership and no church taxes for financial support.”92 “Since Lutheranism in New York had its beginnings in an environment similar to that in The Netherlands, the organization of the Church developed naturally on a congregational basis, in which each congregation was an entity in itself.”93 For this reason the Amsterdam order “was in keeping with the way the Dutch Lutherans in America organized themselves: it was after all based on the principle of self-government.”94

An interesting and perhaps inspiring element of this history is that

the beginning of the Lutheran Church in New York was wholly a laymen’s movement. No Lutheran missionary came to the colony to organize a congregation. The precarious tolerance granted the Lutheran Church in Holland made it impossible for that body even to think of sending a missionary to the colony. The Lutheran Church in the colony, therefore, was organized by laymen, the first services were conducted by laymen, and when the first pastor arrived, he came by virtue of a call extended by the congregation organized by these laymen.95

The Lutheran congregation in Amsterdam also had a significant impact on the Lutherans in London, England, and more precisely on St. Mary’s Lutheran Church in the Savoy, organized in 1694. Like the Lutherans in Holland, the Lutherans in England were a small minority of the population, functioning as a “free church” outside the Anglican religious establishment. They accordingly had a lot in common with their Dutch coreligionists. It does not surprise us, therefore, that the Savoy Church “was closely associated with the Amsterdam congregation, and adopted the church constitution of the latter, ‘in order that our unity might the more clearly appear.’” In the Savoy Church, however, “One important change was made in its government, in the provision for but one order of lay officers, namely, the Overseers [Vorsteher], in place of the elders and deacons as at Amsterdam.”96

But this trajectory of influence does not stop in London. In another sad story that need not be repeated here, the prince-archbishop of Salzburg, Austria, expelled all of his Lutheran subjects in 1731. Some of these refugees passed through London on their way to resettlement in the British colony of Georgia, and as they did they picked up a copy of the constitution of the Savoy Church and brought it with them for use in America.97

Through the converging and expanding influences of the Dutch Lutherans in New York and the Lutheran Salzburgers in Georgia, the Lutherans of Amsterdam – and behind them the “Martinists” of Antwerp – ended up leaving a very significant mark on American Lutheranism. “In this way the substance of the Amsterdam church order spread until its main features were commonly used throughout America.”98 And of course, those Lutheran churches in the world that have come into existence through the work of American Lutheran missionaries, as well as those Lutheran free churches in Europe that have modeled their church government after the example of their New-World sister-churches, also bear the imprint of the Lutheran experiment in the Netherlands in very noticeable ways. Such churches “are governed by a Congregational-Synodical church order, which builds on the ancient tradition according to which congregations could elect their own pastors, the theme of the early Luther’s Letter to the Bohemians.”99 And, on the basis of this kind of order, such churches are governed internally, by their own elected representatives at both the congregational and synodical levels, without the involvement of officials of the civil government.

Conclusion

We can be thankful for Martin Luther, who in the days of his youthful idealism enunciated the evangelical principles that stand behind this way of doing things. But we must also be thankful for Matthias Flacius Illyricus, and for the early Lutherans in the Netherlands, who courageously put these principles into practice, for their own benefit, and ultimately for ours.

Ternopil’, Ukraine
January 22, 2002

ENDNOTES:

1. C. H. Little, Disputed Doctrines (Burlington, Iowa: The Lutheran Literary Board, 1933), p. 88.

2. Little, pp. 88-89.

3. Joseph Stump, The Christian Life (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1930), pp. 245-46.

4. Stump, The Christian Life, pp. 265-66.

5. Augsburg Confession XXVIII:4-12 (Latin), The Book of Concord, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2000), pp. 91,93.

6. Martin Luther, Sermon on John 20:19-31 (WA 52, 268); quoted in What Luther Says (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1959), p. 950.

7. Apology of the Augsburg Confession XXII:44, Kolb/Wengert pp. 244-45.

8. Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope 54, Kolb/Wengert p. 339.

9. Treatise 56, Kolb/Wengert p. 339.

10. J. L. Neve, Churches and Sects of Christendom (Blair, Nebraska: Lutheran Publishing House, revised edition 1944), p. 159 .

11. Large Catechism, Longer Preface: 6, Kolb/Wengert p. 380.

12. Luther, WA 53, 255; quoted in Bernhard Lohse, Martin Luther’s Theology (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1999), p. 296.

13. Treatise 24, Kolb/Wengert p. 334.

14. Luther, “To the Christian Nobility of the German Nation Concerning the Reform of the Christian Estate,” Luther’s Works, Vol. 44 (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1966), p. 129.

15. Frank C. Senn, Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997), pp. 318-19.

16. Neve, p. 159.

17. Friedrich Mildenberger, Theology of the Lutheran Confessions (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1986), p. 121.

18. Henry Eyster Jacobs, “Church Polity,” Lutheran Cyclopedia (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1899), p. 108.

19. John William Baier, Compendium Theologiae Positivae (1685); quoted in Doctrinal Theology of the Lutheran Church (Minneapolis: Augsburg Publishing House, third edition, revised, 1961), p. 809.

20. Jacobs, p. 108.

21. Luther, “Temporal Authority: To What Extent It Should Be Obeyed,” Luther’s Works, Vol. 45 (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1962), p. 108.

22. Luther, “Admonition to Peace: A Reply to the Twelve Articles of the Peasants in Swabia,” Luther’s Works, Vol. 46 (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1967), p. 22.

23. Luther, “Commentary on Psalm 82,” Luther’s Works, Vol. 13 (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1956), p. 61.

24. Luther, “Commentary on Psalm 82,” p. 62.

25. Paul Althaus, The Theology of Martin Luther (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1966), pp. 125-26.

26. Luther, “Commentary on Psalm 82,” pp. 62-63.

27. Martin Brecht, Martin Luther: Shaping and Defining the Reformation 1521-1532 (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990), p. 74.

28. Luther, “On the Ministry,” Luther’s Works, Vol. 40 (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1958), p. 34.

29. Luther, “On the Ministry,” pp. 40-41.

30. Luther, “The Misuse of the Mass,” Luther’s Works, Vol. 36 [Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1959], p. 155. In his treatise On the Councils and the Church, Luther also writes that “There must be bishops, pastors, or preachers, who publicly and privately give, administer, and use” the Word of God, Baptism, the Sacrament of the Altar, and the power of the keys “in behalf of and in the name of the church, or rather by reason of their institution by Christ, as St. Paul states in Ephesians 4[:8], ‘He received gifts among men…’ – his gifts were that some should be apostles, some prophets, some evangelists, some teachers and governors, etc. The people as a whole cannot do these things, but must entrust or have them entrusted to one person. Otherwise, what would happen if everyone wanted to speak or administer, and no one wanted to give way to the other? It must be entrusted to one person, and he alone should be allowed to preach, to baptize, to absolve, and to administer the sacraments. The others should be content with this arrangement and agree to it. Wherever you see this done, be assured that God’s people, the holy Christian people, are present. It is, however, true that the Holy Spirit has excepted women, children, and incompetent people from this function, but chooses (except in emergencies) only competent males to fill this office, as one reads here and there in the epistles of St. Paul [I Tim. 3:2, Tit. 1:6] that a bishop must be pious, able to teach, and the husband of one wife – and in I Corinthians 14[:34] he says, ‘The women should keep silence in the churches.’ In summary, it must be a competent and chosen man. Children, women, and other persons are not qualified for this office, even though they are able to hear God’s Word, to receive Baptism, the Sacrament, absolution, and are also true, holy Christians, as St. Peter says [I Pet. 3:7]. Even nature and God’s creation makes this distinction, implying that women (much less children or fools) cannot and shall not occupy positions of sovereignty, as experience also suggests and as Moses says in Genesis 3[:16], ‘You shall be subject to man.’ The Gospel, however, does not abrogate this natural law, but confirms it as the ordinance and creation of God.” (Luther’s Works, Vol. 41 [Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1966], pp. 154-55.)

31. Luther, “A Sermon on Keeping Children in School,” Luther’s Works, Vol. 46 (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1967), pp. 219-21. The Apology of the Augsburg Confession says explicitly that “the church has the mandate to appoint ministers, which ought to please us greatly because we know that God approves this ministry and is present in it.” (Apology XIII:12, Kolb/Wengert p. 220.)

32. Luther, “Commentary on Psalm 82,” p. 65.

33. Luther, WA 38, 240; quoted in Althaus, p. 324.

34. Luther, Letter to the Congregation and Town Council of Creutzburg (WA-Br 10, 255, 257); quoted in What Luther Says, p. 926.

35. Luther, Sermon on Matt. 20:24-28 (WA 47, 368); quoted in What Luther Says, pp. 923-24.

36. Luther, “On the Councils and the Church,” p. 150.

37. Luther, On Matt. xxi., 12 sq. (Erlangen 44, 253); quoted in Jacobs, Martin Luther: The Hero of the Reformation (Philadelphia: General Council Publication House, 1898), p. 379.

38. Luther, “To the Christian Nobility of the German Nation Concerning the Reform of the Christian Estate,” pp. 128-29.

39. Luther, “That A Christian Assembly or Congregation Has the Right and Power to Judge All Teaching and to Call, Appoint, and Dismiss Teachers, Established and Proven by Scripture,” Luther’s Works, Vol. 39 (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1966), pp. 311-12. Not everyone would necessarily agree with Luther’s characterization of the seven deacons in Acts 6. Johann Gerhard, for example, “believed that the Seven were ‘not simply excluded’ from the work of teaching, but were ‘principally put in charge of tables.’ Such deacons, ‘conjoined with presbyters, preached the Word together with them, administered the sacraments, visited the sick, etc.,’ and so ‘were made teachers of a lower order in the church … Phil. 1:1 … I Tim. 3:8.’” (Kurt E. Marquart, The Church and Her Fellowship, Ministry, and Governance [Fort Wayne, Indiana: The International Foundation for Lutheran Confessional Research, corrected edition 1995], pp. 140-41. The quotations are from J. Gerhard, Loci Theologici, XII.XXIV.29.)

40. Treatise 66-70, Kolb/Wengert pp. 340-41.

41. Senn, p. 329. Senn’s text mistakenly says that the Hessian synod was held in “Hamburg,” rather than in Homberg, which is where it actually occurred. This is corrected in the quotation that appears in this paper.

42. Small Catechism, Preface: 1-3, Kolb/Wengert pp. 347-48.

43. Jacobs, “Church Polity,” pp. 108-09.

44. Veit Ludwig von Seckendorf, Christenstaat 3, 11, par. 3,5,6; quoted in C. F. W. Walther, Church and Ministry (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1987), pp. 239-41.

45. Hermann Sasse, We Confess the Church (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1986), pp. 70-71.

46. Armin W. Schuetze, Church–Mission–Ministry: The Family of God (Milwaukee: Northwestern Publishing House, 1995), p. 27.

47. Jacobs, A Summary of the Christian Faith (Philadelphia: The United Lutheran Publication House, 1905), pp. 403-04.

48. Apology VII/VIII:5, Kolb/Wengert p. 174.

49. Stump, The Christian Faith (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1932), p. 370.

50. Harry J. Kreider, Lutheranism in Colonial New York (New York: 1942), p. 3.

51. J. L. Klaufus and Willem J. Kooiman, “Netherlands, Lutheranism in the,” The Encyclopedia of the Lutheran Church (Minneapolis: Augsburg Publishing House, 1965), Vol. III, p. 1721.

52. Jacobs, A History of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in the United States (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, fifth edition 1907), p. 25.

53. Jacobs, A History of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in the United States, p. 24.

54. Jacobs, A History of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in the United States, p. 25.

55. Klaas Zwanepol, “Lutheran-Reformed Unity in the Netherlands,” Lutheran Quarterly, Vol. IX, No. 4 (Winter 1995), p. 427.

56. Oliver K. Olson, “The Rise and Fall of the Antwerp Martinists,” Lutheran Quarterly, Vol. I (new series), No. 1 (Spring 1987), p. 100.

57. Alastair Duke, “The Netherlands,” The Early Reformation in Europe (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1992), p. 162.

58. Olson, p. 100.

59. Olson, pp. 101-02.

60. Olson, p. 108.

61. Olson, p. 105.

62. The Lutheran pastors in Antwerp in 1566 were Franz Alard, Johann Ligarius, Johan Saliger (“admired for his beautiful voice”), and Balthazar Houwaert. (Olson, p. 102.)

63. Olson, p. 103.

64. These theologians were Matthias Flacius Illyricus, Johannes Vorstius, Cyriacus Spangenberg, Martin Wolf, Joachim Hartmann, and Hermann Hammelmann. (Olson, p. 105.)

65. Flacius’s stand in the so-called “Adiaphoristic Controversy” is vindicated in Article X of the Formula of Concord. Unfortunately, Flacius had also become a controversial figure within Lutheranism because of his use of misleading terminology regarding the doctrine of Original Sin. That matter is addressed in Article I of the Formula.

66. Olson, pp. 107-08. The quotation is from Kooiman, “Die Amsterdamer Kirchen Ordnung in ihrer Auswirkung auf die Lutherischen Kirchen-Ordnung in den Vereinigten Staaten Amerikas,” Evangelische Theologie 16 (1956), p. 226.

67. Klaufus and Kooiman, “Netherlands, Lutheranism in the,” p. 1721.

68. Olson, p. 107.

69. Zwanepol, p. 428. Zwanepol’s imprecise English has been corrected in the quotation that appears in this paper. His “administrational competence” has been rendered as “administrative competence,” and his “prominent member of the church,” as a translation of praecipuum membrum ecclesiae, has been rendered as “chief member of the church.”

70. Zwanepol, p. 4228.

71. Jacobs, A History of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in the United States, p. 26.

72. Kreider, p. 3.

73. Zwanepol, p. 424.

74. Jacobs, A History of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in the United States, p. 27.

75. Kreider, p. 3-4.

76. Zwanepol, pp. 426-27.

77. Jacobs, A History of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in the United States, pp. 35-36.

78. Kreider, p. 5.

79. Theodore G. Tappert, “The Church’s Infancy,” The Lutherans in North America (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, revised edition 1980), p. 53.

80. Olson, p. 108.

81. Jacobs, A History of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in the United States, p. 41.

82. Quoted in F. J. Domela Niewenhuis, Geschichte der Amst. Luth. Gemeente (Amsterdam: 1856); quoted in turn in Olson, p. 108.

83. Klaufus and Kooiman, “Netherlands, Lutheranism in the,” p. 1722.

84. Jacobs, A History of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in the United States, pp. 43-44.

85. Jacobs, A History of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in the United States, pp. 39-40. The present-day Evangelical Lutheran Church in the Kingdom of the Netherlands is the institutional heir of the “Fraternity,” but it is not a Confessional Lutheran body. Together with two Reformed churches it is a part of the “Uniting Protestant Churches in the Netherlands.”

86. Klaufus and Kooiman, “Netherlands, Lutheranism in the,” p. 1724.

87. Kreider, The Beginnings of Lutheranism in New York (New York: 1949), pp. 38 ff.

88. Klaufus and Kooiman, “Netherlands, Lutheranism in the,” p. 1724.

89. Zwanepol, p. 436. Zwanepol’s text states that Fabritius arrived in New York in 1668. He actually arrived on February 19, 1669. (Kreider, The Beginnings of Lutheranism in New York, p. 50.) According to the “old” Julian calendar, in use at the time in England and its colonies, this would still have been in the year 1668. But to avoid confusion, Zwanepol’s text is altered in the quotation that appears in this paper to read “1669,” in conformity to the reckoning of the “new” Gregorian calendar.

90. Quoted in Kreider, Lutheranism in Colonial New York, pp. 81-82.

91. Kreider, Lutheranism in Colonial New York, pp. 82-83.

92. L. DeAne Lagerquist, The Lutherans (Westport, Connecticut: Praeger Publishers, 1999), pp. 25-26.

93. Kreider, Lutheranism in Colonial New York, p. 81.

94. Zwanepol, p. 436.

95. Kreider, The Beginnings of Lutheranism in New York, p. 8. The present writer is not ashamed to be a direct descendant of several of these committed Lutheran laymen. His ancestors include Tjerck Claessen De Witt, the lay leader who conducted the first know Lutheran worship service in Beverwyck, New Netherland (Albany, New York), in 1656.

96. Kreider, Lutheranism in Colonial New York, pp. 8-9.

97. Tappert, p. 54.

98. Tappert, p. 54.

99. Olson, p. 98.

This essay was delivered at the Conference on Church and State, held near Kyiv, Ukraine,
February 27 – March 1, 2002. It was published in Lutheran Synod Quarterly,
Vol. 43, No. 4 (December 2003), pp. 360-400.

 

Filed Under: Essays

One Ministry in Two Senses: The Lutheran Doctrine of the Public Ministry of the Gospel

November 8, 2019 by Admin Leave a Comment

One Ministry in Two Senses:
The Lutheran Doctrine of the Public Ministry of the Gospel

I.

In the Formula of Concord, the Lutherans of the sixteenth century acknowledged and confessed that

in his immeasurable goodness and mercy God provides for the public proclamation of his divine, eternal law and of the wondrous counsel of our redemption, the holy gospel of his eternal Son, our only Savior Jesus Christ, which alone can save. By means of this proclamation he gathers an everlasting church from humankind, and he effects in human hearts true repentance and knowledge of sin and true faith in the Son of God, Jesus Christ. God wants to call human beings to eternal salvation, to draw them to himself, to convert them, to give them new birth, and to sanctify them through these means, and in no other way than through his holy Word (which people hear proclaimed or read) and through the sacraments (which they use according to his Word). 1 Corinthians 1[:21]: “Since, in the wisdom of God, the world did not know God through wisdom, God decided, through the foolishness of our proclamation, to save those who believe.” Acts 11[:14]: “[Peter] will give you a message by which you and your entire household will be saved.” Romans 10[:17]: “So faith arises from the proclamation, and proclamation comes through God’s word.” John 17[:17,20]: “Sanctify them in the truth; your word is truth. I ask on behalf of those who will believe in me through their word.” Therefore, the eternal Father calls from heaven regarding his dear Son and all who proclaim repentance and forgiveness of sins in his name, “Listen to him!” (Matt. 17[:5]). (FC SD II:50-51, in The Book of Concord, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert [Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2000], pp. 553-54)

In the Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope, the Reformers also declared, as a general principle, that

the ministry of the New Testament is not bound to places and persons like the Levitical ministry, but is scattered throughout the whole world and exists wherever God gives God’s gifts: apostles, prophets, pastors, teachers [cf. Eph. 4:11]. That ministry is not valid because of the authority of any person but because of the Word handed down by Christ. (Tr 26, Kolb/Wengert p. 334)

In their more detailed elaborations on the doctrine of the church’s public ministry, however, the Lutherans of the sixteenth century did not always use the same terms, and they did not always define and apply their terms in the same way. As one modern scholar has observed,

A point of confusion throughout the period under discussion (1525-1580) was how broadly one should interpret the office of the ministerium verbi. Was it one office, namely that of pastor, so that presbyter and bishop were not different orders? Did it include deacons or the minor orders? Was there a place for elders, such as in the Hesse churches, and were they considered laity or clergy? One cannot answer these questions definitively because of the fluid way in which the various offices come and go as one moves from territory to territory. (Ralph F. Smith, Luther, Ministry, and Ordination Rites in the Early Reformation Church [New York: Peter Lang, 1996], p. 3)

This lack of standardization in the theological vocabulary of the Reformers has resulted, predictably, in many unfortunate misunderstandings among Confessional Lutherans.

II.

In the Lutheran Confessions, the public ministry of the Gospel, as a concept, was often coordinated specifically with those offices that embodied the necessary and indispensable ministry of spiritual or pastoral oversight in the church. The men who served in such offices (bishops, parish pastors, preachers, chaplains, theological professors, etc.) had been called to carry out, definitively and culminantly, the public administration of one or more of the means of grace.1

In a discussion of the spiritual authority of the church and its ministers (in comparison to the temporal authority of the civil government and its officials), the Augsburg Confession affirmed that,

according to the gospel, the power of the keys or the power of the bishops is the power of God’s mandate to preach the gospel, to forgive and retain sins, and to administer the sacraments. For Christ sent out the apostles with this command [John 20:21-23]: “As the Father has sent me, so I send you. … Receive the Holy Spirit. If you forgive the sins of any, they are forgiven them; if you retain the sins of any, they are retained.” And Mark 16[:15]: “Go…and proclaim the good news to the whole creation….” This power is exercised only by teaching or preaching the gospel and by administering the sacraments either to many or to individuals, depending on one’s calling. For not bodily things but eternal things, eternal righteousness, the Holy Spirit, eternal life, are being given. These things cannot come about except through the ministry of Word and sacraments, as Paul says [Rom. 1:16]: “The gospel…is the power of God for salvation to everyone who has faith.” And Psalm 119[:50]: “Your promise gives me life.” …this power of the church bestows eternal things and is exercised only through the ministry of the Word. (AC XXVIII:5-10 [Latin], Kolb/Wengert p. 93)2

In discussing the practice of clerical ordination, and the theological verities that lay behind this practice, the Apology of the Augsburg Confession explained that

priests are not called to offer sacrifices for the people as in Old Testament law so that through them they might merit the forgiveness of sins for the people; instead they are called to preach the gospel and to administer the sacraments to the people. We do not have another priesthood like the Levitical priesthood – as the Epistle to the Hebrews [chaps. 7-9] more than sufficiently teaches. But if ordination is understood with reference to the ministry of the Word, we have no objection to calling ordination a sacrament. For the ministry of the Word has the command of God and has magnificent promises like Romans 1[:16]: the gospel “is the power of God for salvation to everyone who has faith.” Likewise, Isaiah 55[:11], “…so shall my word be that goes out from my mouth; it shall not return to me empty, but it shall accomplish that which I purpose. …” If ordination is understood in this way, we will not object to calling the laying on of hands a sacrament. For the church has the mandate to appoint ministers, which ought to please us greatly because we know that God approves this ministry and is present in it. Indeed, it is worthwhile to extol the ministry of the Word with every possible kind of praise against fanatics who imagine that the Holy Spirit is not given through the Word but is given on account of certain preparations of their own. (Ap XIII:9-13, Kolb/Wengert p. 220)

Again, the Apology noted that

the one minister who consecrates gives the body and blood of the Lord to the rest of the people, just as a minister who preaches sets forth the gospel to the people, as Paul says [1 Cor. 4:1], “Think of us in this way, as servants of Christ and stewards of God’s mysteries,” that is, of the gospel and the sacraments. And 2 Corinthians 5:20, “So we are ambassadors for Christ, since God is making his appeal through us; we entreat you on behalf of Christ, be reconciled to God.” (Ap XXIV:80, Kolb/Wengert p. 272)

In its description of the Biblical qualifications for “Bishops, Pastors, and Preachers,” the Table of Duties in the Small Catechism stated that

“A bishop is to be above reproach, the husband of one wife, temperate, virtuous, moderate, an apt teacher, not a drunkard, not vicious, not involved in dishonorable work, but gentle, not quarrelsome, not stingy, one who manages his own household well, who has obedient and honest children, not a recent convert, who holds to the Word that is certain and can teach, so that he may be strong enough to admonish with saving teaching and to refute those who contradict it.” From 1 Timothy 3[:2-4,6a; Titus 1:9]. (SC TD:2, Kolb/Wengert p. 365)

And in reference to the Augsburg Confession, the authors of the Formula of Concord made this solemn declaration: “As far as our ministry is concerned, we will not look on passively or remain silent if anything contrary to this confession is introduced into our churches and schools, in which the almighty God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ has placed us as teachers and shepherds” (FC SD XII:6, Kolb/Wengert p. 656). The men who said this were serving the church as pastors, superintendents, and professors of theology.3

In their private writings, the leading theologians of the Lutheran Church during this period often spoke in a similarly restrictive way regarding the divinely-instituted public ministry. In his treatise “Against the Roman Papacy, an Institution of the Devil,” Martin Luther commented on the essential unity of the apostolate and the ordinary preaching office:

Hear St. Peter himself, who is an apostle, …who writes in his epistles to his bishops in Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, Bithynia, I Peter 5[:1-2], “I exhort the elders among you, as a fellow elder and a witness of the sufferings of Christ as well as a partaker in the glory that is to be revealed. Tend the flock of God that is your charge,” etc. Look at that – Peter calls himself a fellow elder, that is, equal with pastor or preacher; he does not want to rule over them, but to be equal with them, although he knows that he is an apostle. The office of preacher [Predigtamt] or bishop [Bischofsamt] is the highest office, which was held by God’s Son himself, as well as by all the apostles, prophets, and patriarchs. God’s word and faith is above everything, above all gifts and personal worth. The word “elder,” in Greek “presbyter,” is in one case a word for old age, as one says, “an old man”; but here it is a name for an office because one took old and experienced people for the office. Now we call it pastor and preacher or minister [Seelsorger]. (Luther’s Works, Vol. 41 [Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1966], pp. 358-59)

In his treatise on “The Misuse of the Mass,” Luther made the following exegetical observations regarding Titus 1:5-7:

Paul says to his disciple Titus: “This is why I left you in Candia, that you might complete what I left unfinished, and appoint elders in every town as I directed you, men who are blameless, the husband of one wife, whose children are believers and not open to the charge of being profligate. For a bishop, as God’s steward, must be blameless,” etc. [Titus 1:5-7] Whoever believes that here in Paul the Spirit of Christ is speaking and commanding will be sure to recognize this as a divine institution and ordinance, that in each city there should be several bishops, or at least one. It is also evident that Paul considers elders and bishops to be one and the same thing, for he says: Elders are to be appointed and installed in all cities, and that a bishop shall be blameless. (Luther’s Works, Vol. 36 [Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1959], p. 155)

Luther repeated some of these thoughts in his treatise “On the Councils and the Church.” There he described the public ministry of Word and sacrament as an office (or category of offices) that, by divine design, does not properly include the participation of women:

The keys are the pope’s as little as Baptism, the Sacrament [of the Altar], and the Word of God are, for they belong to the people of Christ and are called “the church’s keys” not “the pope’s keys.” Fifth, the church is recognized externally by the fact that it consecrates or calls ministers, or has offices that it is to administer. There must be bishops, pastors, or preachers, who publicly and privately give, administer, and use the aforementioned four things or holy possessions in behalf of and in the name of the church, or rather by reason of their institution by Christ, as St. Paul states in Ephesians 4[:8], “He received gifts among men…” – his gifts were that some should be apostles, some prophets, some evangelists, some teachers and governors, etc. The people as a whole cannot do these things, but must entrust or have them entrusted to one person. Otherwise, what would happen if everyone wanted to speak or administer, and no one wanted to give way to the other? It must be entrusted to one person, and he alone should be allowed to preach, to baptize, to absolve, and to administer the sacraments. The others should be content with this arrangement and agree to it. Wherever you see this done, be assured that God’s people, the holy Christian people, are present. It is, however, true that the Holy Spirit has excepted women, children, and incompetent people from this function, but chooses (except in emergencies) only competent males to fill this office, as one reads here and there in the epistles of St. Paul [I Tim. 3:2, Tit. 1:6] that a bishop must be pious, able to teach, and the husband of one wife – and in I Corinthians 14[:34] he says, “The women should keep silence in the churches.” In summary, it must be a competent and chosen man. Children, women, and other persons are not qualified for this office, even though they are able to hear God’s Word, to receive Baptism, the Sacrament, absolution, and are also true, holy Christians, as St. Peter says [I Pet. 3:7]. Even nature and God’s creation makes this distinction, implying that women (much less children or fools) cannot and shall not occupy positions of sovereignty, as experience also suggests and as Moses says in Genesis 3[:16], “You shall be subject to man.” The Gospel, however, does not abrogate this natural law, but confirms it as the ordinance and creation of God. … Now, if the apostles, evangelists, and prophets are no longer living, others must have replaced them and will replace them until the end of the world, for the church shall last until the end of the world [Matt. 28:20]. Apostles, evangelists, and prophets must therefore remain, no matter what their name, to promote God’s word and work. (Luther’s Works, Vol. 41, pp. 154-55)4

In one of his better-known writings, David Chytraeus described the public ministry of the Gospel in this way:

How is the Church gathered and governed in this world? Through the ministry of the Gospel or through hearing, reading, meditating on, etc., the Word of God; through which Christ Himself is effective, converts the hearts and minds of its hearers to God by His Holy Spirit, and with true knowledge of God and faith illumines, comforts, governs and sanctifies them to eternal life. “Everyone who believes in Christ will be saved. But how will they believe in Him of whom they have not heard? How will they hear without a preacher? So then faith comes from the hearing of the Word of God,” Romans 10. “Thy word gives me life,” Psalm 119. “In Thy word I have hoped,” Psalm 130. “He will speak to you the words through which you and your household will be saved,” Acts 11. What is the ministry of the Gospel? The ministry of the Gospel is the office which God has instituted, the office of preaching and confessing the Word of God, the Law and the Gospel concerning Christ, in the public assembly of the Church; of rightly administering the sacraments; of announcing the forgiveness of sins or of absolving those who repent; of excommunicating the obstinate; and of ordaining ministers of the Church, through which ministry God is truly effective for the salvation of all who believe, Luke 24; Matt. 10, 18 and 28; Rom. 10; Eph. 4; 1 Tim. 5; 2 Tim. 2. What is ordination? In general, the ordination of ministers is the ritual by which the public testimony is given in the presence of the entire Church of a certain person that he has been legitimately called and is fit to teach the Gospel and administer the sacraments. (A Summary of the Christian Faith [Decatur, Illinois: Repristination Press, 1997], pp. 143-44)

And Martin Chemnitz (who with Chytraeus was a co-author of the Formula of Concord) followed the same approach in some of the things he said in one of his better-known writings (Examination of the Council of Trent, Part II [Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1978], pp. 678-79; Part III [Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1986], pp. 124-25).5

III.

There are some places in the Lutheran Confessions, however, where the public ministry, as a concept, was coordinated not only with offices of spiritual or pastoral oversight in the church, but also with offices that embodied only a more limited aspect of the public ministry of the Gospel. Those who served in such offices (catechists, parochial school teachers, deacons, etc.) had not been called to carry out, definitively and culminantly, the public administration of one or more of the means of grace, but they had been called to carry out a constituent part of the public ministry of the Gospel. Catechists or parochial school teachers were not authorized to preach in the congregation (according to the ordinary understanding of the word “preach”), as were the church’s theologically-trained shepherds, but they were authorized to assist pastors and Christian parents in instructing the church’s children in the basic elements of Christian doctrine. Likewise, (male) deacons, especially in ancient times, were not authorized to officiate at the administration of the sacrament and to carry out the quintessential pastoral duty of admitting (or declining to admit) communicants to the altar, but they were authorized to assist in the distribution of the Lord’s Supper. (See SC Pref.: 10-11, Kolb/Wengert p. 348; LC V:2, Kolb/Wengert p. 467.)

This less restrictive way of applying the concept of the public ministry of the Gospel can be seen in the Preface to the Book of Concord, where the Lutheran princes declared:

..some of us have had this book read aloud to each and every theologian and minister of church or school in our lands and territories and have had them reminded and exhorted to consider diligently and earnestly the doctrine contained therein. When they had found that the explanation of the dissensions which had arisen conformed to and agreed with first of all the Word of God and then with the Augsburg Confession as well, the above-mentioned persons to whom it had been presented, freely and with due consideration, accepted, approved, and subscribed to this Book of Concord (with great joy and heartfelt thanks to God Almighty) as the correct, Christian understanding of the Augsburg Confession, and they publicly attested to the same with hearts and hands and voices. For this reason this Christian accord is called and also is the unanimous and concordant confession not only of a few of our theologians but generally of each and every one of our ministers of church and school. (Preface 14-16, Kolb/Wengert p. 9)

In the context, the phrase “ministers of…[the] school” would not be referring to professors on the theological faculties of the universities, since such men were already covered by the term “theologians” (Theologen). According to the usage of the time, “ministers of church and school” (Kirchen- und Schuldiener) was actually referring to the parish pastors and preachers and to the parish schoolmasters and school teachers. Evidence for this can be seen in a letter that Luther wrote on one occasion to a (senior) pastor who was experiencing some difficulties with his city council:

No peace or unity can remain where a chaplain, schoolmaster, or other minister of the church knows that he may be in the office of the church without the knowledge and will of the pastor and thereby can boast and comfort himself that he was chosen by the city council. Since such action is seen all the time against the pastors, you should not admit or strengthen this example such that they accept or suffer a chaplain, schoolmaster, or other minister of the church without your previous knowledge and will. (“1536. X, 296” [reference uncertain]; quoted in C. A. T. Selle, “Das Amt des Pastors als Schulaufseher” [The Office of a Pastor as School Overseer], Evang.-Luth. Schulblatt, Vol. 4, No. 5 [January 1869])

And another sixteenth-century Lutheran author even went so far as to say:

Under the name father and mother are included all those who rule others below them such as … 6. The spiritual fathers, faithful teachers and preachers, school masters and mistresses. 7. After these lords and mistresses, the father and mother of the house. … Who are the people who are responsible to help teach the catechism? First the preachers in the churches are those who should diligently teach the catechism. The schoolmasters and schoolmistresses in the boys and girls schools are also preachers. … In the third place parents and house-fathers and house-mothers should help. For what the preachers are in the church, that is what father and mother are at home in the house, as Augustine says. (Friedrich Rhote, Der kleine Catechismus des Mannes Gottes Dr. M. Lutheri [Leipzig, 1599], 6, Cap. 2; quoted in C. A. T. Selle, “Das Amt des Pastors als Schulaufseher” [The Office of a Pastor as School Overseer])

The Large Catechism did acknowledge that the office of a schoolmaster is “derived and developed,” at least in part, from the office of a father, since a father has the God-given duty to see to it that his children are instructed in God’s Word as well as in secular subjects (LC I:141, Kolb/Wengert p. 405; LC Sh.Pref.: 4, Kolb/Wengert p. 383). However, the schoolmaster of a sixteenth-century parish, as the Reformers understood and structured this office, was someone who had also received authorization from the congregation to teach God’s Word to its younger members, under the supervision of the pastor. Therefore a parish schoolmaster (or parochial school teacher) was legitimately seen to be serving also in an ecclesiastical office and not only in a domestic office (“Fraternal Agreement on the Common Chest of the Entire Assembly of Leisnig,” Luther’s Works, Vol. 45 [Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1962], pp. 186-89).6 According to the specifications and limitations of his or her call, a parochial school teacher would be helping to carry out that aspect of the public ministry of the Gospel that the Apology was describing when it declared, in regard to the “catechesis of children,” that “pastors and ministers of the church are required to instruct and examine the youth publicly, a custom that produces very good results” (Ap XV:41, Kolb/Wengert p. 229).

As students of the history of the church, the Reformers knew that “At one time there were schools of Holy Scripture and other disciplines useful for the Christian church in the monasteries, so that pastors and bishops were taken from the monasteries” (AC XXVII:15 [German], Kolb/Wengert pp. 82,84). But they also made the sad contemporary observation that, “While monasteries were once schools for Christian instruction, they have now degenerated – as though from a golden to an iron age” (Ap XXVII:5, Kolb/Wengert p. 278). The Reformers were nevertheless willing to acknowledge, in spite of this general decay in the educational work of the monasteries, that “It is likely that here and there in the monasteries there are still some virtuous people serving the ministry of the Word” (Ap XXVII:22, Kolb/Wengert p. 281). This history, and this Reformational understanding of the role of Christian education in the life of the church, help us to understand the comments that Luther offered on the subject in the Smalcald Articles: “The foundations and monasteries, established in former times with good intentions for the education of learned people and decent women, should be returned to such use so that we may have pastors, preachers, and other servants of the church, as well as other people necessary for earthly government in cities and states, and also well-trained young women to head households and manage them” (SA II, III:1, Kolb/Wengert p. 306).

In its explanation of the proper and orderly administration of the Sacrament of the Altar, according to Christ’s institution, the Augsburg Confession referred approvingly to the practice of the ancient church:

The ancient canons also indicate that one priest officiated and gave the sacrament to the other priests and deacons. For the words of the Nicene canon read: “After the priests, the deacons shall receive the sacrament from the bishop or priest in order.” (AC XXIV:37-38 [German], Kolb/Wengert p. 70)

The Reformers knew that the deacons of the early church were permitted to serve in various ways as sacramental and liturgical assistants in public worship, but they also knew that these deacons were not permitted to consecrate the elements and officiate at the administration of the Lord’s Supper. This distinctively pastoral duty was the responsibility of the bishops and priests (or presbyters), to whom the ministry of spiritual oversight had been entrusted. But elsewhere in the Augsburg Confession, where the subject of the marriage of the clergy was under discussion, we see that the Reformers did include the deacons of the early church within the broader category of “priests and other clergy” (die Priester und andere Geistliche):

Therefore, because God’s Word and command cannot be changed by any human vow or law, priests and other clergy have taken wives for themselves for these and other reasons and causes. It can also be demonstrated from the historical accounts and from the writings of the Fathers that it was customary in the Christian church of ancient times for priests and deacons to have wives. This is why Paul says in 1 Timothy 3[:2]: “Now a bishop must be above reproach, the husband of one wife.” … How can the marriage of priests and clergy, especially of the pastors and others who are to serve the church, be disadvantageous to the Christian church as a whole? (AC XXIII:8-11,16 [German], Kolb/Wengert pp. 62,64,66)7

In some of his private writings Luther did indeed apply the concept of the public ministry of the Gospel to a wide range of ecclesiastical offices – not only offices to which the essential components of the public ministry of Word and sacrament had been entrusted, but also offices to which a more limited or restricted component of the public ministry had been entrusted. We have already taken note of the letter in which he spoke in these broader categories. He did the same thing, in a more expanded way, in “A Sermon on Keeping Children in School.” In this intriguing work Luther treated as synonymous concepts the collective idea of “the spiritual estate” that “has been established and instituted by God,” and the unitary idea of “this office of preaching, baptizing, loosing, binding, giving the Sacrament, comforting, warning, and exhorting with God’s Word, and whatever else belongs to the pastoral office.” Here are two key excerpts:

I hope, indeed, that believers, those who want to be called Christians, know very well that the spiritual estate has been established and instituted by God, not with gold or silver but with the precious blood and bitter death of his only Son, our Lord Jesus Christ [I Pet. 1:18-19]. From his wounds indeed flow the sacraments [John 19:34] (they used to depict this on broadsides). He paid dearly that men might everywhere have this office of preaching, baptizing, loosing, binding, giving the Sacrament, comforting, warning, and exhorting with God’s Word, and whatever else belongs to the pastoral office [Amt der Seelsorger]. For this office not only helps to further and sustain this temporal life and all the worldly estates, but it also gives eternal life and delivers from sin and death, which is its proper and chief work. Indeed, it is only because of the spiritual estate that the world stands and abides at all; if it were not for this estate, the world would long since have gone down to destruction. I am not thinking, however, of the spiritual estate as we know it today in the monastic houses and the foundations… They give no heed to God’s Word and the office of preaching – and where the Word is not in use the clergy must be bad. The estate I am thinking of is rather one which has the office of preaching [Predigtamt] and the service of the Word and sacraments and which imparts the Spirit and salvation, blessings that cannot be attained by any amount of pomp and pageantry. It includes the work of pastors [Pfarramt], teachers, preachers, lectors, priests (whom men call chaplains), sacristans [Küster], schoolmasters, and whatever other work belongs to these offices and persons. This estate the Scriptures highly exalt and praise. St. Paul calls them God’s stewards and servants [I Cor. 4:1]; bishops [Acts 20:28]; doctors, prophets [I Cor. 12:28]; also God’s ambassadors to reconcile the world to God, II Corinthians 5[:20]. Joel calls them saviors. In Psalm 68 David calls them kings and princes. Haggai [1:13] calls them angels, and Malachi [2:7] says, “The lips of the priest keep the law, for he is an angel of the Lord of hosts.” Christ himself gives them the same name, not only in Matthew 11[:10] where he calls John the Baptist an angel, but also throughout the entire book of the Revelation to John. …you may rejoice and be glad from the heart if you find that you have been chosen by God to devote your means and labor to raising a son who will be a good Christian pastor, preacher, or schoolmaster, and thereby to raise for God a special servant, yes (as was said above), an angel of God, a true bishop before God, a savior of many people, a king and prince in the kingdom of Christ, a teacher of God’s people, a light of the world – indeed, who can recount all the distinction and honor that a good and faithful pastor has in the eyes of God? There is no dearer treasure, no nobler thing on earth or in this life than a good and faithful pastor and preacher. Just think, whatever good is accomplished by the preaching office and the care of souls is assuredly accomplished by your own son as he faithfully performs this office. For example, each day through him many souls are taught, converted, baptized, and brought to Christ and saved, and redeemed from sin, death, hell, and the devil. Through him they come to everlasting righteousness, to everlasting life and heaven, so that Daniel [12:3] says well that “those who teach others shall shine like the brightness of the firmament; and those who turn many to righteousness shall be like the stars for ever and ever.” Because God’s word and office, when it proceeds aright, must without ceasing do great things and work actual miracles, so your son must without ceasing do great miracles before God, such as raising the dead, driving out devils, making the blind to see, the deaf to hear, the lepers clean, and the dumb to speak [Matt. 11:5]. Though these things may not happen bodily, they do happen spiritually in the soul, where the miracles are even greater, as Christ says in John 14[:12], “He who believes in me will also do the works that I do; and greater works than these will he do.” If the single believer can accomplish these things working independently with individuals, how much more will the preacher accomplish working publicly with the whole company of people? It is not the man, though, that does it. It is his office, ordained by God for this purpose. That is what does it – that and the word of God which he teaches. He is only the instrument through which it is accomplished. (Luther’s Works, Vol. 46 [Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1967], pp. 219-21, 223-24)8

… I do not mean to insist that every man must train his child for this office, for it is not necessary that all boys become pastors, preachers, and schoolmasters. It is well to know that the children of lords and other important people are not to be used for this work, for the world also needs heirs, people without whom the temporal authority would go to pieces. I am speaking of the common people… Even though they need no heirs they keep their children out of school, regardless of whether the children have the ability and talent for these offices and could serve God in them without privation or hindrance. Boys of such ability ought to be kept at their studies… In addition, though, other boys as well ought to study, even those of lesser ability. They ought at least to read, write, and understand Latin, for we need not only highly learned doctors and masters of Holy Scripture but also ordinary pastors who will teach the gospel and the catechism to the young and ignorant, and baptize and administer the sacrament. That they may be incapable of doing battle with heretics is unimportant. For a good building we need not only hewn facings but also backing stone. In like manner we must also have sacristans and other persons who serve and help in relation to the office of preaching and the word of God. (p. 231)9

In at least one of his writings, Chytraeus also described the public ministry of the Gospel in these broader categories (On Sacrifice [Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1962], pp. 97-102).10 And Chemnitz likewise spoke in this way when he described the character and origin of the church’s minor offices, to which a “part of the ministry” had been entrusted:

Because many duties belong to the ministry of the church which cannot all conveniently be performed by one person or by a few, when the believers are very numerous – in order, therefore, that all things may be done in an orderly way, decently, and for edification, these duties of the ministry began, as the assembly of the church grew great, to be distributed among certain ranks of ministers which they afterward called taxeis (ranks) or tagmata (orders), so that each might have, as it were, a certain designated station in which he might serve the church in certain duties of the ministry. Thus in the beginning the apostles took care of the ministry of the Word and the sacraments and at the same time also of the distribution and dispensation of alms. Afterward, however, as the number of disciples increased, they entrusted that part of the ministry which has to do with alms to others, whom they called deacons. They also state the reason why they do this – that they might be able to devote themselves more diligently to the ministry of the Word and to prayer, without diversions. (Acts 6:1-4) This first origin of ranks or orders of ministry in the apostolic church shows what ought to be the cause, what the reason, purpose, and use of such ranks or orders – that for the welfare of the assembly of the church the individual duties which belong to the ministry might be attended to more conveniently, rightly, diligently, and orderly, with a measure of dignity and for edification. And because the apostles afterward accepted into the ministry of teaching those from among the deacons who were approved, as Stephen and Philip, we gather that this also is a use of these ranks or orders, that men are first prepared or tested in minor duties so that afterward heavier duties may more safely and profitably be entrusted to them. That is what Paul says in 1 Tim. 3:10: “Let them also be tested first, and so let them minister.” Likewise: “Those who serve well as deacons will gain a good rank for themselves.” [1 Tim. 3:13, Vulgate] Thus there were in the worship service of the church at Antioch (Acts 13:1) prophets and teachers, of whom the former either prophesied of future events or interpreted the more difficult passages of Scripture (1 Cor. 14:29-32), while the latter set forth the elements of Christian doctrine to the people (Heb. 5:12-14). Paul and Barnabas receive Mark into the ministry (Acts 13:5) not merely in order that he might render bodily services to them but so that they might be able to entrust some parts of the ministry of the Word to him, as Paul expressly says (Acts 15:38). There were in the church at Corinth apostles, prophets, and teachers; some spoke in tongues, some interpreted, some had psalms, some prayers, benedictions, and giving of thanks, not in private exercises but in public assemblies of the church. (1 Cor. 12:28-30; 14:26-27) In Eph. 4:11 the following ranks of ministers are listed: (1) apostles, who were not called to some certain church, and who had not been called through men, but immediately by Christ, and had the command to teach everywhere, and were furnished with the testimony of the Spirit and of miracles, that they might not err in doctrine but that their doctrine might be divine and heavenly, to which all the other teachers should be bound; (2) prophets, who either had revelations of future events or interpreted tongues and the Scriptures for the more advanced, for these things are ascribed to the prophets of the New Testament in 1 Cor. 14; (3) evangelists, who were not apostles and yet were not bound to some one certain church but were sent to different churches to teach the Gospel there, but chiefly to lay the first foundations; such an evangelist was Philip (Acts 21:8), and Timothy (2 Tim. 4:5), Tychicus, Sylvanus, etc.; that there were such evangelists also after the times of the apostles Eusebius testifies, Bk. 3, ch. 37, etc.; (4) pastors, who were placed over a certain flock, as Peter shows (1 Peter 5:2-3), and who not only taught but administered the sacraments and had the oversight over their hearers, as Ezekiel (34:2 ff.) describes the pastoral office; (5) teachers, to whom the chief governance or oversight of the church was not entrusted but who only set the doctrine before the people in a simple manner, such as the catechists were later; thus Paul (Rom. 2:20) speaks of “a teacher of children,” and the word teach is expressly used in this sense in Heb. 5:12. All these ranks the apostles include under the terms “presbytery” and “episcopacy.” Sometimes they also call those to whom the ministry of Word and sacrament has been committed by the term “minister” (“servant”). (Col. 1:7,23; 1 Thess. 3:2; 2 Cor. 3:6; 11:23; Eph. 3:7) Also Paul himself sometimes performed the ministry of the Word in such a way that he entrusted the administration of the sacraments to others. 1 Cor. 1:17: “Christ did not send me to baptize but to preach the Gospel.” And in 1 Tim. 1:17 he mentions two kinds of presbyters, of whom some labored in preaching and teaching, while others had been placed in charge of ecclesiastical discipline. Tertullian also mentions this kind of presbytery, Apologeticus, ch. 39. This about completes the list of ranks into which we read that the ecclesiastical ministry was divided at the time of the apostles. … However, because of the present dispute, the following reminder must be added: (1) that there is no command in the Word of God, which or how many such ranks or orders there should be; (2) that there were not at the time of the apostles in all churches and at all times the same and the same number of ranks or orders, as can be clearly ascertained from the epistles of Paul, written to various churches; (3) that there was not [originally], at the time of the apostles, such a division of these ranks, but repeatedly one and the same person [an apostle] held and performed all the duties which belong to the ministry, as is clear from the apostolic history. Therefore such orders were free at the time of the apostles and were observed for the sake of good order, decorum, and edification, except that at that time certain special gifts, such as tongues, prophecies, apostolate, and miracles, were bestowed on certain persons by God. These ranks, about which we have spoken until now, were not something beside and beyond the ministry of the Word and sacraments, but the real and true duties of the ministry were distributed among certain ranks for the reasons already set forth. This example of the apostles the primitive church imitated for the same reason and in similar liberty. For the grades of the duties of the ministry were distributed, not however in identically the same way as in the church at Corinth or in that at Ephesus, but according to the circumstances obtaining in each church. From this one can gather what freedom there was in the distribution of the ranks. … Therefore the ranks or orders were distinguished, not by empty titles but according to certain duties that belonged to the ministry of the church. The bishop taught the Word of God and had charge of the church’s discipline. The presbyters taught and administered the sacraments. The deacons were in charge of the treasuries of the church, in order from them to provide sustenance for the poor and in particular for the ministers of the church. Afterward the deacons also began to be employed for assisting with a certain part of the ministry of the bishop and the presbyters, as also Jerome testifies, Ad Rusticum, such as for reading something publicly from the Scriptures, for teaching, exhorting, etc., admonishing the people to be attentive, to turn their hearts to the Lord, to proclaim peace, to prepare the things which belong to the administration of the sacraments, distribute the sacraments to the people, take those who are to be ordained to the bishop, to remind bishops about matters which pertain to discipline, etc. …subdeacons were placed under them; they collected the offerings of the faithful which were contributed for the sustenance of the poor and the ministers. Besides these there were lectors, who read publicly to the people from the Scriptures, especially from the Old Testament, for the reading of the New Testament was thereafter given to the deacons. There were psalmists or cantors, who sang first what the whole assembly was accustomed to sing. There were doorkeepers, who at the time of the Sacrament, after the announcement by the deacon, put out of the church the Gentiles, catechumens, penitents, the possessed, heretics, and persons who had been excommunicated, for thus Dionysius describes this office. Bishops, presbyters, and deacons had their famuli, servants, companions, or followers, whose services they used when necessity demanded it, as Paul had used the services of Onesimus. They called these men acolytes. … Besides these there were exorcists, who had the gift of casting out or restraining demons. This distribution of ranks in the more populous churches was useful for the sake of order, for decorum, and for edification by reason of the duties which belong to the ministry. In the smaller or less populous churches such a distribution of ranks was not judged necessary, and also in the more populous churches a like or identical distribution of these ranks was not everywhere observed. For this reason, for this use, and with this freedom many of these ranks of the ancient church are preserved also among us. (Examination of the Council of Trent, Part II, pp. 682-88 [emphases added])11

After reviewing all of this material, we might be prompted to ask: Exactly what kind of offices are properly to be included, from a Confessional Lutheran perspective, in a definition and description of the divinely-instituted public ministry of the Gospel? Should we include only the pastoral office and its immediate cognates, which carry out the full public ministry of Word and sacrament that Christ entrusted to his apostles? Or should we also include those secondary offices which carry out only a limited aspect of the public ministry of Word and sacrament that Christ entrusted to his apostles? Would we say that the divinely-instituted public ministry is recognizably present in a particular office only when that ministry as a whole is present in the office? Or would we say that the divinely-instituted public ministry is recognizably present in a particular office whenever that ministry in any of its parts is present in the office? Depending on which Reformation-era writing one may have in mind – or in some cases depending on which sections of the same writing one may have in mind – the answers to these questions will vary. Sometimes the Lutheran theologians of the sixteenth century envisioned and described the public ministry of the Gospel more narrowly, and sometimes they envisioned and described the public ministry of the Gospel more broadly. There simply was no completely standardized way of explaining these things at the time of the Reformation.

IV.

Providentially, in the history of the Lutheran Church, there was a great resurgence and renewal of Confessional theology in the nineteenth century. This time of resurgence and renewal also brought with it many unfortunate controversies among Lutherans – especially in America – and these controversies often centered in the doctrine of the public ministry. The well-known conflict over church and office that took place between C. F. W. Walther (and his allies) and J. A. A. Grabau (and his allies) in the middle of the century left an especially deep impression on the theological consciousness of American Lutheranism. Confessional Lutherans still believe that it is important to study this controversy and the writings that were produced as the result of it, and to come to grips with the theological and ecclesiastical issues that were so passionately debated at that time. Does God raise up the divinely-instituted public ministry of the Gospel in and through Christ’s body, the church, as Walther and others maintained? Or does God perpetuate the divinely-instituted public ministry of the Gospel through the public ministry itself, by means of the rite of ordination, as Grabau and others maintained? That debate, in various forms, continues in our time.

In the early to mid-1870s, after the dust from the Walther-Grabau conflict had begun to settle, there was a renewed discussion in Confessional Lutheran circles of the doctrine of the public ministry. This time the discussion was characterized, at least in part, by a more focused consideration of those specific terminological and conceptual questions that the present essay has been addressing. In an attempt to take into account, and to explain more fully, all of the various aspects and nuances of the Confessional Lutheran doctrine of the public ministry of the Gospel, a distinction between the public ministry in the “narrow sense” and the public ministry in a “broader sense” was formulated among the Lutherans of America during this time period. The terminology was admittedly new, but the doctrine that it was intended to express and clarify was the old doctrine of the sixteenth-century Reformers.

This discussion, mostly through the medium of published articles, was conducted calmly and without flaring passions and acrimony. From the beginning there seems to have been a basic consensus on how best to understand and describe the interrelated and interconnected concepts of “divine institution,” “office,” “ministry,” and so forth. The peacefulness of these renewed theological reflections may help to explain why the memory of them was not more deeply embedded in the collective ecclesiastical psyche of American Lutheranism. We would also note that, beginning in 1879, many segments of the Lutheran Church in America were impacted by a highly disruptive controversy over election and conversion, which certainly would have had the effect of distracting them from a continuing discussion of the ministry – or of almost anything else.

In 1874 E. W. Kaehler was serving as the pastor of an Ohio Synod congregation in Lancaster, Ohio. He had recently completed his studies in Germany, at the Universities of Leipzig and Berlin (“An Interesting Marriage,” Lancaster Gazette, April 30, 1874, p. 3). In March of that year Kaehler delivered an essay at the Columbus Pastoral Conference of his synod, which bore the title (in English translation): “Does a Congregation Ordinarily Have the Right Temporarily to Commit an Essential Part of the Holy Preaching Office to a Layman?” In his descriptions of the various offices of the church, and of the proper duties of these offices, Kaehler employed a distinction between the public ministry in the “narrow sense” and the public ministry in a “wider sense”:

The public preaching office is an office of the word. … The rights given with the office of the word (in the narrower sense) are: the authority to preach the gospel, to administer the sacraments, and the authority of spiritual jurisdiction. … When we use the phrase “in the narrow sense”…we want to indicate that there are essential and derived rights of the preaching office. The derived rights belong to the ministry of the word in the wider sense… All essential parts of the office of the word can be subsumed into the above mentioned powers (Mt 29:19-20; Jn 20:21-23; Jn 21:15-16; 1 Cor 4:1 …). … Ordinarily the congregation, which has the right of calling, is not only bound to the preaching office until the Last Day, but also may not mutilate it; that is, she must establish all its essential parts together. … The congregation can establish grades (taxis tagmata) of the one office of the word; that is, they can arrange matters so that this person cares for one part of the office of the word and that person cares for another part. This is done, however, only de iure humano. … And when the congregation commits the care of different parts of the preaching office to different people, they really confer in reality to each one the office of the keys because each one opens up heaven through the part of the ministry of the word that he administers. … If the congregation commits an essential part of the preaching office [to someone] they commit it in its entirety virtualiter [virtually], with the provision to care only for the designated part. (The one called to a part of the ministry, however, does not have the right to take over the part of another without a further call.) … In other words, preaching is the audible word; the holy sacraments are the visible word, that is, a visible preaching of the gospel; all church discipline, if we might say it this way, is the tangible word, that is, a manifest use of the law or gospel. All these parts that the preaching office administers differ neither in origin nor in use. They all flow from the word and have in mind the salvation of men. Therefore nothing else is possible than that the entire word belongs to each function of the office. What does the congregation commit to him who, for example, is only to baptize? Without doubt it is the keys to which baptism belongs. With these keys, which he administers according to divine order in the name of the congregation, he opens heaven and the treasures of God’s grace to a particular part of the congregation. But he who only preaches does this same thing. … There are ministries which are indeed necessary to the governance of the church and therefore belong to the preaching office in the wider sense, which however do not necessarily involve the conducting of the office in the narrower sense. …the offices of the church of the higher order, as Scripture itself enumerates them, flow out of the apostles’ ministry, the preaching office of today, and have their root in it. … Evangelists, pastors, elders and deacons do not occupy offices which from time to time were newly instituted by God. Rather they were instituted at the same time in and with the apostles’ office. Also the offices of the church of the lower order are the products of two factors, the office of apostle and the congregation. While these offices were offshoots of the apostolate so they were also necessary to the governance of the congregation. In the beginning the apostles oversaw all the offices of the congregation. The administration of the material goods of the congregation was entirely in their hands. Also the care of those in need, especially the widows, with bodily goods and other requirements of bodily support was their duty. … Because of the continual growth of the congregation the twelve were not able to care for all the parts of the holy office in like fashion. They asked the congregation therefore to designate men who had good reputations and were full of the Holy Spirit and wisdom so that a part of the present load of the apostles’ office could be committed to them. In accordance with this, the congregation chose seven deacons whose duty primarily was the care of the poor and administration of physical goods in the congregation. These ministers, whose moral qualifications are listed by St. Paul in 1 Timothy 3:8-13, whether they occupy the office of elder in the narrow sense (presbuteroi) or the ministry of ruling (proistamenoi, hgoumenoi) or the office of deacon (diakonoi) (Rom 12:8; Heb 13:7,17,24 and similar verses), bear a part of the office of the church and stand at the side of the office of the church kat’ exochn, the preaching office. Therefore the offices of the rulers, elders, assistants to the poor, the school teachers, sacristans, and cantors in our congregations are likewise to be considered as holy ecclesiastical [kirchlich] offices. Still these offices in no way involve the conducting of the preaching office in the narrow sense. Already at the institution of the diaconate the apostles explicitly kept the office of the word for themselves (Acts 6:4). The deacons could “acquire a good rank for themselves” (1 Tim 3:13), and also become qualified for the preaching office in the narrow sense. Still herein it is stated that in and of themselves they in no way were already authorized for the conducting of the preaching office. The most important verse in question here, however, is 1 Timothy 5:17: “Let the elders who rule well be considered worthy of double honor, especially (malista) those who labor in word and doctrine.” Here two classes of elders are put forth. There are those who labor in word and doctrine and occupy the ministry of the word in the narrow sense. There are also those with whom this is not the case whose ministry was different, namely, which was for the ruling of the congregation introduced for the censure of morals and the preservation of discipline in the church, Romans 12:8. When it is clear that the ministry of the word kat’ exochn includes everything that is necessary for the ruling of the congregation, but on the other hand the so-called office of elder in no way involves the conducting of the preaching office sensu strictiori, then the office of elder must be comprised of helping ministries [Hilfsdienste] which can be administered by those who thereby do not become preachers and who do not have the authorization to administer the office of the word and sacraments. … The school diaconate takes a middle position between the teaching ministry of the teaching elder and the above diaconate insofar as laboring in doctrine is one of its chief duties. But its ministry is confined only to a part of the congregation even if it is the most precious part. On the other hand the teaching presbyter is a bishop, that is, an overseer of the adults as well as the young. (“Does a Congregation Ordinarily Have the Right Temporarily to Commit an Essential Part of the Holy Preaching Office to a Layman?,” Logia, Vol. VI, No. 3 [Holy Trinity 1997], pp. 37-43)

Kaehler’s essay came into the hands of Walther, a professor of theology at the Missouri Synod’s Concordia Seminary in Saint Louis and the most dominant figure among the Confessional Lutherans of the American Midwest. Apparently it made a very positive impression on him. Walther published it (in three parts) in Lehre und Wehre, of which he was editor, in the issues for September, November, and December 1874 (Vol. 20, Nos. 9, 11, and 12). In this way Kaehler’s work was disseminated, with Walther’s editorial endorsement, among all the readers of this highly respected journal.12

Charles Porterfield Krauth was a professor of theology at the Lutheran Theological Seminary in Philadelphia and the acknowledged theological leader of the more Confessional element in the Evangelical Lutheran General Council (to which all three of the predecessor bodies of the present-day Wisconsin Evangelical Lutheran Synod – the Wisconsin, Minnesota, and Michigan Synods – at one time belonged). In 1874 Krauth was also thinking and writing about the doctrine of the public ministry, and he too, in the material that he began to publish on this topic at the very end of that year, employed a distinction between the public ministry in the “stricter sense” and the public ministry in a “broader sense.”13 Krauth wrote:

To the end that God may be glorified in the salvation of men, our Lord Jesus Christ, in his Divine Unity with the Father and the Holy Ghost, has instituted the ministry; to teach the pure Gospel, and to administer the Sacraments rightly in the Church. (Acts xiii. 26, xvi. 17; Rom. i. 16; 2 Cor. v. 18; Eph. i. 13.) … This divinely instituted ministry is a sacred public office, conferred by legitimate vocation, on suitable men. (Rom. xii. 7; 2 Cor. iv. 1; Eph. iv. 12; Col. iv. 17; 1 Tim. i. 12; 2 Tim. iv. 5.) … The ministry is necessary as the ordinary instrumental medium ordained of God, whereby the Word and Sacraments which are the only means of grace in the strict and proper sense, are to be brought to men. (Phil. i. 24; Heb. v. 12; 2 Cor. v. 19; Eph. i. 13; 1 Thess. ii. 13.) … Though God is the perpetuator of the ministry, as he is its author, He continues it on Earth, by means of his Church; through which He exercises his power of appointing teachers of the word. (Acts i. 23, 24; Titus i. 5; Acts xiv. 23, xx. 28; 1 Tim. iv. 14, v. 22; 2 Tim. i. 6; 1 Cor. xii. 28.) … A minister, New Testament Bishop, Presbyter, Elder, or Evangelical Pastor, is a man legitimately called by God, through the Church, to teach the word publicly in the Church; to administer the sacraments, and to maintain sound discipline and good government. (1 Cor. iii. 5; 2 Cor. iii. 6, vi. 4; Rom. xv. 16; 1 Cor. iv. 1; Acts xx. 28; Phil. i. 1; 1 Tim. iii. 2; Titus i. 7; 1 Tim. iv. 14; 1 Tim. v. 17; Eph. iv. 11.) … Our Lord before His ascension instituted the office of the Apostolate, having within it all the powers of the future ministry. The Apostolate had extraordinary and incommunicable powers and functions. It also had ordinary and communicable powers and functions, which were to be transmitted and perpetuated in and through the ordinary ministry to the end of the world. (Mark iii. 13, 14; Matt. x. 2; Luke vi. 13; Acts i. 2-25; Rom. i. 5; 1 Cor. xii. 28, 29; Eph. ii. 20; 2 Pet. iii. 2; Rev. xxi. 14; 1 Tim. ii. 7; 2 Tim. i. 11; 2 Pet. i. 1; 1 Tim. i. 18; 2 Tim. i. 13; 2 Tim. ii. 2; Matt. xxviii. 20; 2 Cor. v. 19.) … To the extraordinary and incommunicable powers and functions, which were to be confined to the Apostles themselves, were these in conjunction which follow: Their vocation was immediate, in no sense derived from men nor through men. Their commission was unlimited as to locality. To an Apostle the field was the world. They were endowed with an extraordinary measure of miraculous gifts and of Divine Inspiration. They could bear official testimony as eye-witnesses to what was necessary to authenticate the Divine mission of our Lord. They were under Christ the supreme authorities in the rule of the Church, and represented it in its totality, both in the powers received, and in the power exercised for it. These were their exclusive powers and functions, in which none shared with them while they lived, and to which none were their successors when they died. (Matt. x. 2; Luke vi. 13; Gal. i. 1; Matt. xxviii. 19; Mark xvi. 15; Luke xxiv. 47, 48; Acts i. 8; Matt. x. 1; Luke ix. 1; Mark vi. 7; Matt. x. 20; Luke xii. 12; Mark iii. 15; Acts ii. 4; Matt. xix. 28; Rev. xxi. 14; Acts i. 8, 22, x. 41, xxii. 15; 1 Pet. v. 1; 1 Cor. ix. 1.) … In addition to the special powers and functions, the Apostles had the ordinary ones common to the whole ministry, to wit: the preaching of the Gospel, conferring the sacraments, administering discipline and ordaining others to the ministry. In each and all of these they were but fellow-presbyters, ministers, pastors, and bishops with other ministers. (Acts i. 20, v. 42, xx. 24; Rom. i. 15; Eph. iii. 8, vi. 19; 1 Cor. iv. 1; Matt. xxviii. 19; 1 Pet. v. 1; 1 Cor. iii. 5; 2 Cor. xi. 23; Col. i. 7, 23-25; John xxi. 16.) … In their extraordinary powers and functions the Apostles had no successors. In their ordinary ones all true ministers of Christ are their successors. … The deacons, were in order of time, antecedent to the Elders as a distinct class, and in consequence of the great increase in the number of disciples, were first appointed to relieve the Apostles from the burden and distractions connected with distribution to the widows from the common fund, which had been placed at the control of the Apostles. (Acts vi. 1.) … The word “deacon,” in the history of its rise involves, by antithesis, a two-fold diaconate, the diaconate of the word which is incommunicably the diaconate of the Apostles and of the pastors, and the diaconate of aid, which is meant to relieve the diaconate of the word, from the collateral burdens and distractions, which interfere with its great distinctive duties. (Acts vi. 1-4.) The deacons received power and entered on duties originally held and exercised by the Apostles as pastors of the Church at Jerusalem. The office was created by a separation of certain powers and duties of the ministry, and devolving them on a new class of officials. The deacons are not a part of the people to do the work pertaining to the people in common, but are a part of the officials of the Church, taking a share in the ministry and being in that broader sense ministers; aiding the pastoral ministry in its work by taking upon them, in conformity with the instructions of the Church, such collateral portions of the work as do not require the most important and special powers of the pastor and teacher. (Acts vi. 1-6; Phil. i. 1; 1 Tim. iii. 8-12.) The true original conception of the deacon is that of the pastor’s executive aid. The particular work assigned to the seven deacons, first chosen, was simply a determination of this general conception, produced by the specific nature of the case. The distribution of a common fund in alms, or the service of poor widows is not the whole generic idea of the diaconate, though it was its whole actual function at first. Had that been its whole idea, it would have terminated with the state of things at Jerusalem, out of which it rose. The service of the poor is therefore only a specific, though most important, and, in some circumstances, a primary part of the diaconate, under the generic idea of aiding the pastorate in every desirable way, and leaving it unembarrassed in its greatest work. (Acts vi. 1-6; Phil. i. 1; 1 Tim. iii. 8-12.) Deacons were not originally appointed to preach the Gospel, or to administer the Sacraments, or to bear official part in the government of the Church. They are in their proper intent executive aids of the ministry, in its collateral labors, or in the incidental, not essential, parts of its proper work. Philip’s preaching was not done under his commission as a deacon. (Acts vi. 1-6; Phil. i. 1; 1 Tim. iii. 8-12.) Deacons are not ministers in the specific or stricter sense, nor are they essential to the organization of every congregation. A congregation, now, like the congregation at Jerusalem in its first stage, can exist as an organization without deacons – the powers ordinarily entrusted to deacons remaining still vested in their original depository, the ministry of the Word. Congregations may be so small as not to require a diaconate, and in any case if they cannot obtain deacons conformed to the Scriptural requisitions, it might be better for them to have none. (Acts vi. 1.) So far as is not inconsistent in any manner or degree with the sole direct Divine authority of the ministry of the Word to teach publicly in the Church and to administer the Sacraments, nor with the rights and duties inseparably connected therewith, the Church has liberty to enlarge the functions of the diaconate in keeping with its original generic idea, so as to make it, in accordance with her increasing needs, a more efficient executive aid to her ministers. In the Ancient Church, enlarging in her liberty the functions of the deacons, as executive aids to the ministry of the Word in the service of the Church, the deacons took care of the sacred utensils employed in the sacraments; they received the contributions of the people, and conveyed them to the pastor; they took part in reading the Scriptures in public worship; at the request of the pastor they might take part in the distribution (not in the consecration) of the elements; they helped to preserve order and decorum in the service of the sanctuary; they furnished to the pastor information that would be useful to him in his labors – they were his almoners – in short, they were the executive aids of the minister of the Word, in the closest relations of official reverence, and of faithful service to him, and are called by the fathers the minister’s angels, his eyes, his hands, his lips, his heart and his soul. The deacons who were faithful in their office were looked to in the Ancient Church as the best source of supply for the future pastors. In some Churches, especially among the Gentile converts, there were Deaconesses, Christian women, largely selected from the widows known as faithful and holy. They were occupied with the care of the sick and of the poor, and with the externals of the Church’s work. They were in the one diaconate with its official character, as an executive aid of the ministry unchanged, and with its specific characteristics determined by the special gifts and facilities pertaining to Christian women. In the Ancient Church they gave instruction to the female catechumens, rendered the necessary aid at their Baptism, were guardians of the private life of Christian women, gave useful information to the pastors and such assistance as the pastors desired. They tenderly cared for the martyrs, confessors, travelers, sick and needy persons, especially though not exclusively of their own sex, and preserved order among the women in public worship. (“Thetical Statement of the Doctrine Concerning the Ministry of the Gospel” [First Article], Lutheran and Missionary, Vol. XIV, No. 12 [Dec. 31, 1874], p. 1 [emphases in original])14

It should also be of some interest to see what kind of synonymous expressions were used by these nineteenth-century figures as they, on other occasions, described the types of offices that would be included under the category of the public ministry in a “broader sense.” Since at least the early 1850s Walther had been describing these offices as ecclesiastical “helping offices” (or “auxiliary offices”), to which a “part” of the divinely-instituted public ministry had been entrusted. After 1874 he (and his church body) continued to speak in this way, without thinking that there was any incompatibility between this kind of expression and the “broader sense” concept. In the explanation of his Thesis VIII on the Ministry – one of the “Theses on Church and Ministry” that were officially adopted by the Missouri Synod in 1851 – Walther said:

The ministry [Predigtamt] is the highest office in the Church, from which, as its stem, all other offices of the Church [Kirchenämter] issue. … Since the incumbents of the public ministry [des öffentlichen Predigtamtes] have in their public office, for the sake of the common interests of their congregations, John 20:21-23, the administration of the keys of the kingdom of heaven, which the Church possesses originally and immediately, Matt. 16:19; 18:18, their office must necessarily be the highest office in the Church, and from it, as from the stem, all other offices must issue, inasmuch as the keys embrace the entire authority of the Church. In accordance with this the incumbents of this office are in the Holy Scriptures called elders, bishops, rulers, stewards, etc.; and the incumbents of an inferior office are called deacons, that is, servants, not only of God, but also of the congregation and of the bishop; and it is stated regarding the latter in particular that they must care for the congregation and must watch over all souls, as those that must render an account for them, 1 Tim. 3:1,5,7; 5:17; 1 Cor. 4:1; Titus 1:7; Heb. 13:17. We see from this that the holy apostles in the beginning discharged, together with their ministry of preaching, also the office of deacons in Jerusalem, until the growth of the congregation required that for their relief this latter office be assigned to special persons, Acts 6:1-6. For with the apostolate the Lord has established in the Church only one office, which embraces all offices of the Church, and by which the congregation of God is to be provided for in every respect. The highest office is the ministry of preaching, with which all other offices are simultaneously conferred. Therefore every other public office in the Church is merely a part of the office of the ministry [Predigtamt], or an auxiliary office, which is attached to the ministry of preaching [Predigtamt] whether it be the eldership of such as do not labor in the Word and doctrine, 1 Tim. 1:15, or that of rulers [Vorsteher], Rom. 12:8, or the diaconate (ministry of service in the narrower sense) or the administration of whatever office in the Church may be assigned to particular persons. Accordingly, the office of schoolteachers who have to teach the Word of God in their schools, of almoners, of sextons, of precentors in public worship, etc., are all to be regarded as sacred offices of the Church, which exercise a part of the one office of the church and are aids to the ministry of preaching. (“The Voice of Our Church Concerning the Question of the Church and the Ministry,” Walther and the Church [Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1938], pp. 78-79)15

For his part, Krauth described the “broader sense” offices as limited diaconal “forms” of the public ministry. Krauth likewise did not think that there was any incompatibility between this kind of expression and the “broader sense” concept. In his lectures on “Church Polity,” published posthumously, Krauth said:

Through the history of the Jewish race there rise before us constantly prophecies of a kingdom of God to be established by the Messiah on earth, destined to embrace all mankind. The series of promises was fulfilled in Jesus Christ. He established a kingdom not of worldly glory, but a kingdom of the life of God in the soul of man – a kingdom which comes not with observation, not with outward show or glory, but is within men, Luke 17:20. The means of grace which our Lord gave to the world and the commission under which He sent forth his Apostles, clearly demonstrate, however, that the internal fellowship of His kingdom was to have a corresponding outward expression. His Apostles were to teach; to make disciples of all nations: to baptize them into the name of the Father, Son and Holy Ghost, and Christ was to abide with the Apostles in their work always, even to the end of the world, all the days, to the consummation of the era. Matt. 28:19,20. … After the ascension of our Lord, the Apostles waited for the promise of the Father, and when the day of Pentecost was fully come, the disciples were filled with the Holy Ghost and Peter uttered his witness for the crucified and arisen Saviour. “They that gladly received his word were baptized, and they continued steadfastly in the Apostles’ doctrine and in the fellowship and in the breaking of the bread and in the prayers” [Acts 2:41-42]. This power of the Word, which from the first drew men into the fellowship, gathered believers into the congregations. The Apostles were missionaries, not merely under the necessity of the case, but, under the guidance of the Holy Spirit gave security to the work and wrought and made a basis for its extension by organizing congregations in which the life of the disciple found its home and sphere of labor. With the establishment of these congregations, and as an essential part of their organization was connected the institution of the congregational pastorate, the vocation which was to superintend and spiritually rule the congregations, to conduct the public services, to administer the sacraments, to labor in the word and in doctrine and to watch for souls to the conversion of sinners and the building up of saints. The pastorate was the determination to a distinct office of so much of the Apostolate as pertained to the single congregation. The institution of the Apostolate was the general institution of the entire ministry, whose specific forms, especially the Presbyterate-episcopate, and the diaconate, were but concrete classifications of particular functions involved in the total idea of the ministry. The specific ministries are but distributions of the Apostolate in its ordinary and permanent functions. (“Church Polity,” I, Lutheran Church Review, Vol. II, Whole No. 8 [Oct. 1883], pp. 316-17)

Walther’s synonym called to mind the fact that “broader sense” ministers are carrying out a part of the office of the public ministry, and not the whole office of the public ministry. That is sometimes a needed emphasis. By comparison, Krauth’s synonym called to mind the fact that “broader sense” ministers are carrying out a part of the office of the public ministry, and not a part of some other office. That, too, is sometimes a needed emphasis.

In the generation that followed this renewed dialogue on the ministry, the beneficial insights and felicitous expressions that emerged from it were indeed remembered and embraced by some Lutherans. Unfortunately, however, these insights and expressions do not seem to have been fully understood by other Lutherans in the following generation, who passed them on in an altered and less helpful form. And of course there were still other Lutherans in the next generation who do not appear to have been affected by these insights and expressions at all. They were either unaware of the deliberations of the early to mid-1870s, and of the literary material that these deliberations produced, or they were aware of them but lacked an appreciation of their enduring value.

We can attempt to distill all of this material from the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries down to a few pithy theses:

A) God has instituted the public ministry of the Gospel, and it is his clearly-revealed will and mandate that the means of grace be publicly administered in and for the church, fully and completely, by individuals who have been properly trained and properly called to do this.

B) Those men who are “apt teachers,” and who have been called to carry out, definitively and culminantly, the public administration of one or more of the means of grace, are public ministers of the Gospel in the narrow sense. This would include parish pastors and bishops, who are called to preach and teach “the whole counsel of God,” and who are called to officiate at the administration of the sacraments and admit people thereto. This would also include chaplains and theological professors, who are called to preach and teach “the whole counsel of God,” even if they are not called to officiate at the administration of the sacraments and admit people thereto on a regular basis. Those who serve in such offices are carrying out the indispensable ministry of spiritual oversight in the church, through Word and sacrament, that was originally entrusted by Christ to his apostles.

C) Those men and women who have been called to carry out a constituent part of the divinely-instituted public ministry (in conformity with the Biblical directives on the proper roles of men and women in the church), but who have not been called to carry out, definitively and culminantly, the public administration of one or more of the means of grace, are public ministers of the Gospel in a broader sense. This would include catechists and parochial school teachers, who are called to assist pastors and Christian parents in instructing the church’s children in the rudiments of Christian doctrine, but who are not called to preach and teach “the whole counsel of God.” This would also include (male) deacons, who are called to serve as liturgical assistants in public worship, but who are not called to preach and teach “the whole counsel of God,” and who are not called to officiate at the administration of the sacraments and admit people thereto. Those who serve in such offices are carrying out important spiritual duties in the church that were originally entrusted by Christ to his apostles, or that have been directly derived from such apostolic duties.

D) It is permissible and proper to say that such public ministers of the Gospel, in a broader sense, have been called to an ecclesiastical helping office to which a part of the divinely-instituted public ministry has been entrusted, in comparison to those men who have been called to an ecclesiastical office to which the whole divinely-instituted public ministry (according to its essential features) has been entrusted. It is also permissible and proper to say that such public ministers of the Gospel, in a broader sense, have been called to a form of the divinely-instituted public ministry that is limited or restricted in scope, in comparison to those men who have been called to a form of the divinely-instituted public ministry that is comprehensive or general in scope.

V.

One of Krauth’s most gifted protégés – and his successor at the Philadelphia seminary – was Henry Eyster Jacobs. The “narrow sense / broader sense” distinction regarding the public ministry that had been used by Krauth was perpetuated by Jacobs in his own teaching (A Summary of the Christian Faith [Philadelphia: United Lutheran Publication House, 1905], pp. 419-21, 430-31, 444-45).16

One of Walther’s most gifted protégés – and his successor at the Saint Louis seminary – was Francis A. O. Pieper. However, in his own teaching Pieper did not perpetuate the “narrow sense / broader sense” distinction regarding the public ministry that had been endorsed by Walther. Pieper did use the “narrow sense / broader sense” terminology in his own discussion of the church’s ministry, but in a different way and for a different purpose:

The term “ministry” [Predigtamt] is used both in Scripture and by the Church in a general, or wider, and in a special, or narrower, sense. In the wider sense it embraces every form of preaching the Gospel or administering the means of grace, whether by Christians in general, as originally entrusted with the means of grace and commissioned to apply them, or by chosen public servants (ministri ecclesiae) in the name and at the command of Christians. In this article we are speaking of the public ministry in the narrower sense, that is, of the office by which the means of grace, given originally to the Christians as their inalienable possession, are administered by order and on behalf of Christians. The ministry in this sense presupposes Christian congregations. Only a congregation can establish the public ministry. (Christian Dogmatics, Vol. III [Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1953], p. 439)

This way of applying the “narrow sense / broader sense” distinction was later followed also by John Theodore Mueller (also a professor at Saint Louis):

The term ministry (Predigtamt, ministerium) is used both by Scripture and the Church in a wider and a narrower sense. In its general sense the word denotes every manner of proclaiming the Gospel or of administering the means of grace, no matter whether this is done by Christians in general, to whom the means of grace have been divinely entrusted, or by called and ordained ministers of the Word (ministri ecclesiae) in the name of the Christian congregation (Pfarramt). Accordingly we speak of the Christian ministry in the abstract (in abstracto), that is, distinct from the persons who administer it, and in the concrete (in concreto), or as it is vested in called and ordained pastors, who perform its duties in the name of the local congregations. In this special, or narrow, sense we employ the term ministry in this discussion (Pfarramt; Predigtamt im engeren Sinn). The Christian ministry in its narrow sense (in concreto) presupposes the existence of local churches, for it certainly can be established only where such congregations exist. (Christian Dogmatics [Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1934], p. 563)

Pieper and Mueller did not employ the “narrow sense / broader sense” distinction in a comparison between those who hold two different kinds of public office in the church, but they employed it in a comparison between those who hold public office – specifically the pastoral office or Pfarramt – and those who do not. For Kaehler and Krauth, the distinction had been between two categories of public ministry, but for Pieper and Mueller the distinction was between two categories of ministry.17 The shift in meaning that we see in the writings of Pieper and Mueller probably explains why the helpful distinction between the public ministry in the narrow sense and the public ministry in a broader sense, as it was developed and used among the Lutherans of the second half of the nineteenth century, has been largely forgotten in our day. It may also help to explain why the twentieth-century debate between the so-called “Missouri” view of the ministry and the so-called “Wisconsin” view of the ministry was framed and carried on in the way that it was.

Without going into too much detail, and at the risk of oversimplifying, we can say that the proponents of the “Missouri” view, especially in the first half of the twentieth century, accentuated certain aspects of what had previously been said about the public ministry in the “narrow sense,” but in so doing they tended to minimize or overlook certain aspects of what had previously been said about the public ministry in a “broader sense.” In reaction, the proponents of the “Wisconsin” view, especially in the first half of the twentieth century, accentuated certain aspects of what had previously been said about the public ministry in a “broader sense,” but in so doing they tended to minimize or overlook certain aspects of what had previously been said about the public ministry in the “narrow sense.” As we try to put the best construction on this often frustrating and bewildering debate, we are able to see that the participants on each side were sincerely attempting to make some valid and theologically sound points, even if they did not always employ the clearest and most helpful expressions. Each side was basically defending, and elaborating on, half of the total doctrine.18

In the context of this Missouri-Wisconsin debate, it is interesting to consider the perspective of the Evangelical Lutheran Synod, which in the twentieth century occupied a position somewhere in the middle between the “Missouri” view and the “Wisconsin” view. In general, the pastors of the ELS seem to have known intuitively that these two views were each, in its own way, emphasizing a valid component of the whole doctrine of the ministry. If these competing views could only be explained and applied in a careful and balanced fashion, it was felt, they would rightly be seen as fundamentally complementary and not as doctrinally contradictory. In other words, the differences, such as they were, were not seen to be divisive dogmatic differences, even though a satisfying resolution of them continued to elude the ELS.

In an essay on “Church and Ministry” that was delivered at the ELS General Pastoral Conference in 1972, Adolph M. Harstad wrote:

When we speak of the Holy Ministry we all teach that this office exists within the Church according to the will and order of God. We all reject the thought that this sacred office might be a human arrangement, a matter of mere human expediency. The Lord has given instructions concerning the qualifications for this office. The office is carried on in behalf of those who issue the call. …we can truthfully say that we are agreed in the doctrine of the church and the ministry. A difference, however, does appear, when we come to the application of these teachings. … In the matter of the ministry, some restrict the idea of a divinely instituted ministry to the pastorate of local congregations. All other offices, such as of Christian teachers, professors, synodical executive officers, etc., they consider as being branched off from this basic office, without a specific command of God. Others refrain from restricting this concept of the ministry in this manner. They see in “ministry” a comprehensive term which covers the various special offices with which the ascended Lord has endowed His Church. Eph. 4:11-12. There are these differences in the application of the doctrine. However, let it be said immediately that there is no difference between the two groups as regards the practice. … Those of us who hold to the wider application of the term Church and the term ministry hold that this alone expresses the full richness of these New Testament terms. … The writer of these lines was once just as insistent as any are today in the narrower application of the term church and ministry. Much to his regret now, he even became belligerent over toward certain revered and learned theologians of our synod who held to the other, wider application of these terms. … One of the fathers of our ELS has been singled out and quoted for the narrower view of the church and ministry. It is understandable how this father came to assert this. However, this should not be elevated to the position of general acceptance by all the fathers of the ELS. Others of the fathers did not teach this.19

As far as can be determined, the pastors of the ELS in the twentieth century were not aware of the work that had been done on these matters in the 1870s. The present writer would venture to guess, however, that if Harstad and his colleagues in the 1970s had had an opportunity to read what Kaehler and Krauth had written a century earlier, they would have readily gravitated toward that way of clarifying and settling the issues with which they were wrestling. We are fairly confident that the writings of Kaehler and Krauth would have guided their fraternal discussion toward a concordistic “both/and” resolution, helping them to overcome the “either/or” impasse in which they then found themselves.

Were the incumbents of the church’s “helping offices” serving in the public ministry of the Gospel? The answer would be “yes,” according to the categories of the public ministry in a “broader sense.” But was there also something uniquely necessary and distinctive, by divine design, about those offices to which the ministry of spiritual oversight had been entrusted, either in a comprehensive way (congregational pastors) or in a focused or specialized way (missionaries, chaplains, theological professors, etc.)? Again, the answer would be “yes,” according to the categories of the public ministry in the “narrow sense.”20

In the interest of a more complete and balanced articulation of the doctrine of the public ministry of the Gospel, the Lutheran Church of the twenty-first century would be well served by the re-appropriation and re-implementation of the “narrow sense / broader sense” distinction in its original nineteenth-century form. That approach in treating the doctrine of the public ministry was and is, in the words of one modern theologian, “Very illuminating and significant” (Kurt E. Marquart, The Church and Her Fellowship, Ministry, and Governance [Fort Wayne, Indiana: The International Foundation for Lutheran Confessional Research, corrected edition 1995], p. 144).

As we invite our Confessional Lutheran friends to reflect on this proposal, we would encourage them to do so in light of four final thoughts. The first is from the Formula of Concord, which admonishes us, in the spirit of 2 Timothy 2:14, that

we must steadfastly maintain the distinction between unnecessary, useless quarrels and disputes that are necessary. The former should not be permitted to confuse the church since they tear down rather than edify. The latter, when they occur, concern the articles of faith or the chief parts of Christian teaching; to preserve the truth, false teaching, which is contrary to these articles, must be repudiated. (FC SD R&N: 15, Kolb/Wengert p. 530)

The second was originally formulated by Charles A. Hay in the context of his evaluation of the Walther-Grabau controversy, but it applies even more to the matters we have been discussing in this essay:

In endeavoring to fix with precision the meaning they attached to the terms Priesthood, Office, Call, Keys, etc., we are unfortunately met at the threshold, with the fact that the Reformers (and, among them all, especially Luther), employed these expressions often in a vague and variable sense, rendering their utterances, at different times, more or less inconsistent, thus affording an opportunity for those, who differ from one another in their views upon this subject, from both sides to appeal to them for sanction and authority. Hence it has resulted that the present controversy is to a great extent a mere logomachy. If these and kindred terms were precisely defined and the respective parties would agree to use them in the same sense, more carefully noting the varying phases of thought expressed by them at different times, by the same early writers, those who now so bitterly denounce each other would probably be found, after all, not to be so very wide apart. (“Article V: The Office of the Ministry,” Lectures on the Augsburg Confession [Philadelphia: Lutheran Publication Society, 1888], p. 154 [emphasis in original])

The third is from the pen of John P. Meyer, a leading theologian of the Wisconsin Synod in the twentieth century:

Those are in fundamental agreement who, without any reservation, submit to the Word of God. When the Word of God has spoken in any matter, that matter is settled. There may be things that some men have not yet found in their study of the Bible; there may be matters with reference to which they have accustomed themselves to an inadequate mode of expression; yet, no matter what their deficiency may be, they are determined to accept the Bible doctrine. Where such is the case, there is fundamental agreement. … A fundamental agreement is all the church can ever hope to attain here on earth. We are not all equally gifted; one has a much clearer and a much more comprehensive insight into God’s doctrines than another. We all strive to grow daily in understanding. Besides, when once we have accustomed ourselves to a faulty or an inadequate expression, it is not only difficult to unlearn the particular phrase and to acquire a proper one, but the inadequate term may tend also to warp our views on other points. Yet, in spite of all such differences, where there is an unconditional willingness to hear what God has to say in his Word, there is fundamental agreement. (“Unionism,” Essays on Church Fellowship [Milwaukee: Northwestern Publishing House, 1996], pp. 63-64)

And the fourth is a bit of sage advice from Hermann Sasse, which would be applicable to any situation in which Confessional Lutherans from different backgrounds are discussing, and seeking to come to an agreement on, important doctrinal questions:

For success depends after all on this, that we on all sides think these problems through anew and not just repeat the old formulae and slogans. … We must all try to read the statements of the Scripture, on which we must make our decisions, afresh, and not always only in the pattern of our theological traditions. It is naturally easiest and the most comfortable thing to do: to stay with what we have always said and wait until the other party says the same thing. But that can be the correct method only if we actually are championing only God’s Word and not, in addition, our own theological tradition’s opinion. Our generation has a great responsibility… (Letter to Frederick Noack [1 Nov. 1951], in Scripture and the Church: Selected Essays of Hermann Sasse [Saint Louis: Concordia Seminary, 1995], pp. 172-73)

David Jay Webber
November 3, 2004
(slightly revised March 27, 2006)

ENDNOTES:

1. Hermann Sasse reminds us that “For the sake of order the ministerium may be divided, but it always essentially remains one and the same office” (“The Lutheran Doctrine of the Office of the Ministry,” The Lonely Way, Vol. II [Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 2002], p. 128). In reference to Martin Luther’s technical use of the phrase “pastors and preachers” in the Longer Preface of his Large Catechism, and according to the practice and nomenclature of the Lutheran Church of the sixteenth century, Theodore G. Tappert explains that “Preachers (Prediger) were limited to preaching; pastors (Pfarrherren) exercised the full ministerial office” (The Book of Concord, edited by Theodore G. Tappert [Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1959], p. 358 [footnote 2]).

2. In the same vein, we read in the Treatise that “The Gospel bestows upon those who preside over the churches the commission to proclaim the gospel, forgive sins, and administer the sacraments. In addition, it bestows legal authority, that is, the charge to excommunicate those whose crimes are public knowledge and to absolve those who repent. It is universally acknowledged…that this power is shared by divine right by all who preside in the churches, whether they are called pastors, presbyters, or bishops. For that reason Jerome plainly teaches that in the apostolic letters all who preside over churches are both bishops and presbyters. He quotes Titus [1:5-6]: ‘I left you behind in Crete for this reason, so that you should…appoint presbyters in every town,’ which then continues, ‘It is necessary for the bishop to be the husband of one wife’ [v. 6]. Again, Peter and John call themselves presbyters [1 Peter 5:1; 2 John 1; 3 John 1]” (Tr 60-62, Kolb/Wengert p. 340).

3. It may be of some interest to note that one of them, David Chytraeus, was not and never had been the pastor of a congregation, although he was a duly called professor of theology at the University of Rostock (J. A. O. Preus, The Second Martin [Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1994], pp. 364-65). In his letter concerning “Infiltrating and Clandestine Preachers,” Luther had also identified his “doctor’s degree” as his divine “call and commission” to undertake the reformatory work in which he was engaged. He added that “God and the whole world bears me testimony that I entered into this work publicly and by virtue of my office as teacher and preacher, and have carried it on hitherto by the grace and help of God” (Luther’s Works, Vol. 40 [Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1958], pp. 387-88).

4. At the end of the section of the treatise from which this quotation is taken, Luther concluded: “Now wherever you find these offices or officers, you may be assured that the holy Christian people are there; for the church cannot be without these bishops, pastors, preachers, priests; and conversely, they cannot be without the church. Both must be together” (p. 164).
 Regarding the ministry of women, Luther also wrote in his letter concerning “Infiltrating and Clandestine Preachers” that “in the New Testament the Holy Spirit, speaking through St. Paul, ordained that women should be silent in the churches and assemblies [I Cor. 14:34], and said that this is the Lord’s commandment. Yet he knew that previously Joel [2:28 f.] had proclaimed that God would pour out his Spirit also on handmaidens. Furthermore, the four daughters of Philip prophesied (Acts 21[:9]). But in the congregations or churches where there is a ministry women are to be silent and not preach [I Tim. 2:12]. Otherwise they may pray, sing, praise, and say ‘Amen,’ and read at home, teach one another, exhort, comfort, and interpret the Scriptures as best they can” (pp. 390-91). (See also Luther’s “Sermons on the First Epistle of St. Peter,” Luther’s Works, Vol. 30 [Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1967], p. 55; and Luther on Women [edited by Susan C. Karant-Nunn and Merry E. Wiesner-Hanks] [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003], p. 61.)
 In a document entitled “Women in the Public Ministry,” prepared in 2001 by the Evangelical Lutheran Synod Doctrine Committee, it was noted that “Women participated in the work of the New Testament church (Romans 16). Some form of the deaconess office seems to be present already in the lifetime of St. Paul. Phoebe is called a diakonos in Romans 16:1. Concerning the ‘older women’ who were probably teaching deaconesses, St. Paul writes, ‘The older women likewise, that they be reverent in behavior, not slanderers, not given to wine, teachers of good things’ (Titus 2:3). I Timothy 3:11 may also speak of the qualifications of such teaching deaconesses.” It was also noted, however, that women “are not to be in the pastoral office, because here they would be in a teaching position in which they would have authority over men. Also, when St. Paul refers to the one who officiates at the Word and Sacrament liturgy, he speaks in male terms. He is to be the husband of one wife (I Timothy 3:2). Women will not read the lessons in the liturgy, preach the sermon in worship services, or distribute Communion, either publicly or privately, for these things are intimately related to the pastoral office (I Corinthians 14:34-35; I Timothy 2:11-15; I Timothy 3:1-2; LW 30:55; LW 40:390-391).” (emphasis in original)

5. “All Christians are indeed priests (1 Pet. 2:9; Rev. 1:6), because they offer spiritual sacrifices to God. Everyone also can and should teach the Word of God in his own house (Deut. 6:7; 1 Cor. 14:35). Nevertheless, not everyone ought to take and arrogate to himself the public ministry of Word and sacrament. For not all are apostles; not all are teachers (1 Cor. 12:29), but those who have been set apart for this ministry by God through a particular and legitimate call (Acts 13:2; Jer. 23:21; Rom. 10:15). This is done either immediately or mediately. Paul prescribes a legitimate manner of calling which is made through the voice of the church (1 Tim. 3:2-7; and Titus 1:5-9). Christ Himself indeed called certain men to this ministry immediately, in order to show that He approves the ministry of those who are chosen and called by the voice of the church according to the rule prescribed by the apostles… There is added also the promise that God will truly work effectively through the ministry of those who teach the Gospel, which the Son of God wills to preserve in the church through perpetual calling, as Paul says in Eph. 4:8 ff.: He ascended; He gave gifts to men; and He gave some to be apostles, some prophets, others evangelists, others however pastors and teachers for perfecting of the saints in the work of ministry, in edification of the body of Christ. To this use of the ministry, which God both instituted and preserves in the church, men must therefore be guided, and taught that through this ministry there are offered to us eternal blessings, and indeed that God in this way receives us, rescues us from sin and the power of the devil and from eternal death, and restores to us righteousness and eternal life. This ministry does indeed have power, divinely bestowed (2 Cor. 10:4-6; 13:2-4), but circumscribed with certain duties and limitations, namely, to preach the Word of God, teach the erring, reprove those who sin, admonish the dilatory, comfort the troubled, strengthen the weak, resist those who speak against the truth, reproach and condemn false teaching, censure evil customs, dispense the divinely instituted sacraments, remit and retain sins, be an example to the flock, pray for the church privately and lead the church in public prayers, be in charge of care for the poor, publicly excommunicate the stubborn and again receive those who repent and reconcile them with the church, appoint pastors to the church according to the instruction of Paul, with consent of the church institute rites that serve the ministry and do not militate against the Word of God nor burden consciences but serve good order, dignity, decorum, tranquillity, edification, etc.” (Part II, pp. 678-79).
 “Now the Holy Spirit, through Paul, His chosen instrument, in many words and accurately describes the qualities which God requires in a bishop in order that the dignity, importance, and sanctity of the ministry may be retained, equipped, and aided. First, so far as his teaching is concerned, that a bishop be didaktikos [‘an apt teacher,’ 1 Tim. 3:2], that is, as He Himself explains, that he ‘hold the mystery of the faith’ (1 Tim. 3:9) and embrace sound doctrine (Titus 1:9), be studied in and ‘nourished on the words of the faith and of…good doctrine’ (1 Tim. 4:6), that he be capable also of teaching others, avoid wordy battles of words and empty strife, rightly divide the Word of truth (2 Tim. 2:15 [KJV]), ‘be able to give instruction in sound doctrine and also to confute those who contradict it’ (Titus 1:9), ‘be urgent in season and out of season, convince, rebuke, and exhort, be unfailing in patience and in teaching’ (2 Tim. 4:2), continue in what he has learned (2 Tim. 3:14), ‘follow the pattern of…sound words’ (2 Tim. 1:13), ‘guard what has been entrusted’ to him, and ‘keep the commandments unstained and free from reproach’ (1 Tim. 6:20,14), attend to reading, not neglect his gift, but stir it up by meditation and exercise, in order that his progress may be apparent to all (1 Tim. 4:13-15), pray for himself and for the church (1 Tim. 2:1-2). This is how Paul explains what didaktikos means. In the second place He seeks in a bishop the gift of governing the church, and describes how he ‘ought to behave in the household of God, which is the church,’ that is, how he ought to care for or govern the church (1 Tim. 3:1 ff., 15), how he is to set up the ministries and have supervision over them (1 Tim. 3:8 ff.; Titus 1:5 ff.), how he ought to deal with adversaries of the doctrine (1 Tim. 1:13 ff.; 2 Tim. 2:14 ff.; Titus 3:9-11), how ecclesiastical judgments are to be set up and exercised in the case of those who sin, the fallen, or the accused (1 Tim. 5:19 ff.; 2 Tim. 2:23-26), how supplications or public prayers are to be instituted (1 Tim. 2:1 ff.), how godly duties are to be prescribed to all orders of classes in the church and how things which are amiss in them are to be corrected (1 Tim. 2:8-15; 5:1-18; 6:1-2,17-19; Titus 2:2-10; 3:1-2), how the care for the poor is to be exercised. These things, according to Paul, belong to the bishop’s governing. Third. Because the presence, guidance, and strengthening of the Holy Spirit is absolutely necessary for the right performance of the ministry, Paul demands in a bishop such holiness, lest he drive out the Holy Spirit through sins against conscience. Therefore, he says, he should ‘hold the mystery of the faith with a clear conscience’ (1 Tim. 3:9), ‘in accordance with the prophetic utterances…wage the good warfare, holding faith and a good conscience,’ which some have rejected and ‘made shipwreck of their faith’ (1 Tim. 1:18-19). He should train himself ‘in godliness…in love, in faith, in purity’ (1 Tim. 4:7,12), shun greed, which has drowned many in perdition, ‘aim at righteousness, godliness, faith, love, steadfastness, gentleness, fight the good fight…take hold of eternal life’ (1 Tim. 6:11-12). He is to work ‘as a good soldier of Christ,’ for ‘no soldier on service gets entangled in civilian pursuits, since his aim is to satisfy the one who enlisted him’; he is to do his best to present himself ‘to God as one approved, a workman who has no need to be ashamed.’ Anyone who purifies himself from what is ignoble ‘will be a vessel for noble use, consecrated and useful to the master of the house, ready for any good work.’ He should ‘shun youthful passions and aim at…peace, along with those who call upon the Lord’ (2 Tim. 2:3-4,15,21-22). He is to avoid the vices which make one unfit for faith (2 Tim. 3:1-5), imitate ‘my conduct, my aim in life, my faith, my patience, my love, my steadfastness, my persecutions, my sufferings’ (2 Tim. 3:10-11), ‘be steady, endure suffering…fulfill your ministry’ (2 Tim. 4:5), ‘keep yourself pure’ (1 Tim. 5:22). In the fourth place, Paul requires in a bishop such holiness of life, such uprightness of morals and dignity of behavior, in order that he may also be an example for the flock, or the believers (1 Peter 5:3), ‘in speech and conduct, in love,’ in spirit, ‘in faith, in purity’ (1 Tim. 4:12), showing himself ‘in all respects a model of good deeds,’ in ‘teaching,’ in ‘integrity,’ in ‘gravity,’ that the adversaries ‘may be put to shame, having nothing evil to say’ of him (Titus 2:7-8), with no one able to accuse him (1 Tim. 3:2). Thus he enumerates and describes these virtues (1 Tim. 3:2 ff.; Titus 1:6 ff.). These are the good qualities which the Holy Spirit demands in a minister of the Word, and He shows that by them the dignity, gravity, reverence for, and holiness of the ministry of the Word and sacraments in the New Testament is established, equipped, and aided” (Part III, pp. 124-25).

6. See Appendix I below.

7. It is important to note that the Augsburg Confession was speaking here explicitly about the office of deacon as that office existed in the ancient church. According to a later Lutheran custom, beginning in the sixteenth century, assistant pastors who publicly preached and administered the sacraments were also sometimes called “deacons.” The Reformers knew, however, that such an office, even though it bore the same name, was not the same as the historic diaconate of earlier times. (See Luther, “The Babylonian Captivity of the Church,” Luther’s Works, Vol. 36, p. 116.)

8. Here and elsewhere in this essay we have included longer-than-usual quotations from the writings of Lutheran theologians whose teaching on the subject of the public ministry, in its totality, we consider to be worthy of serious consideration. We beg indulgence to do this, because some of the important statements that these theologians made, to which we would want to draw the reader’s attention, can be misunderstood if they are not read in their larger context.

9. In order to get a fuller picture of the office of sacristan or sexton [Küster], which Luther mentioned, we can take note of how this office was described in the “General Articles for the Visitation in Electoral Saxony” of 1557: “In the villages, the sextons shall be obligated on all Sunday afternoons and on a certain day during the week to diligently and clearly teach the children the catechism and Christian hymns in German. Afterwards they shall ask questions and examine the children about the articles of the catechism that have been recited or read aloud. And where one or more branches belong to the parish, the sacristan shall teach in all places, alternating between them according to the advice of the pastor, so that the youth in all of the villages are instructed as is necessary and will not be neglected. The sacristans should especially take pains to read the prayers aloud to the children and their elders, very slowly and clearly, distinctly reciting word for word as it is printed in the Small Catechism. And they shall not be so wanton, bold, or careless as to change, increase, decrease, or mix up the words in any way other than as they are designated in the printed copy. For in so doing, the young people will be poorly instructed and will afterwards learn to pray incorrectly from one another. … No sexton who has not been examined and ordained shall be allowed to preach” (Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des sechszehnten Jahrhunderts [edited by Aemilius Richter] [Nieuwkoop: De Graaf, 1967], Vol. 2, pp. 186-87; quoted in Eric Lund, Documents from the History of Lutheranism 1517-1750 [Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2002], p. 149). A similar description can be found in the “Saxon General Articles” of 1580, which stated that, “If in the outlying villages or otherwise there are too many people in a parish for the pastor to administer the examination in the catechism, they should commend it to the sacristan or church officer (but this should not happen before they are previously examined in earnest by the consistory and known to be capable of this work)” (Juris ecclesiastici Saxonici [Dresden, 1773], p. 22; quoted in C. A. T. Selle, “Das Amt des Pastors als Schulaufseher” [The Office of a Pastor as School Overseer]).
 In his “Confession Concerning Christ’s Supper,” Luther also wrote that “the holy orders and true religious institutions established by God are these three: the office of priest, the estate of marriage, the civil government. All who are engaged in the clerical office [Pfarramt] or ministry of the Word are in a holy, proper, good, and God-pleasing order and estate, such as those who preach, administer sacraments, supervise the common chest, sextons and messengers or servants who serve such persons. These are engaged in works which are altogether holy in God’s sight” (Luther’s Works, Vol. 37 [Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1961], p. 364).

10. “We have definitely established…that the priesthood of the New Testament and all the sacerdotal functions connected with it are equally common to all Christians and that the New Testament sets forth no particular priestly order distinct from the laity – that, to the contrary, all alike who have been reborn by the Holy Spirit through God’s Word and believe in Christ are priests and truly spiritual persons. Thus Paul calls the ministers of the church – those in charge of preaching the Word and administering the sacraments – not ‘priests’ or ‘spiritual persons’ (for these designations apply equally to all Christians ruled by the Holy Spirit) but ‘ministers,’ ‘pastors,’ ‘bishops,’ ‘deacons,’ ‘elders,’ ‘stewards,’ ‘servants,’ etc. Now although the New Testament priesthood is universal, no one in the public assembly of the church should appropriate or discharge on his own authority this right which is the common property of all. Rather, some men who are particularly fitted for the task are to be chosen and called by general vote to carry out publicly – in the name of all who have the same right – the functions of teaching, binding and loosing, and administering the sacraments. For necessary to the public execution of the priestly office of instructing, consoling, exhorting, denouncing sins, judging controversies over doctrine, etc., is a thorough knowledge of Christian theology, a faculty for teaching, skill in languages, speaking ability, and other gifts, and these are not equally manifest in all whom the Holy Spirit has regenerated; therefore those who lack these talents rightly yield their privileges to others better endowed than themselves. For God is not the author of disorder and akatastasia [confusion] but of order and peace. Therefore, so that all things might be done euschmonws [decently] and in order and to prevent barbaric confusion and a Cyclopean agora en h akouei oudeis ouden oudenos [assembly where nobody heeds anybody in anything] from existing in the church, Paul himself established a particular order of vocation and commands that this ministry be committed to suitable and faithful men who should teach others. In Titus 1:5-9 and 1 Tim. 3:1-7, he sets forth at length the qualifications of the bishop or minister of the Gospel who has the duty of performing and administering sacerdotal functions in the public assemblies of the church. Paul does not differentiate bishops, presbyters, and pastors; he assigns precisely equal dignity of rank and the same office to presbyters and to bishops – and it is in fact clear that there were many such in individual towns. In Acts 20[:28], Paul says to the presbyters of the church at Ephesus whom he has called to him: ‘Take heed unto yourselves and to all the flock, over the which the Holy Ghost hath made you bishops, to feed the church of God.’ Note also Phil. 1:1; Titus 1:5-7; 1 Peter 5:1,2; etc. Later, by human authority, ranks were established among the ministers and bishops, and within the presbyterate there appeared the ostiary, the psalmist, the lector, the exorcist, the acolyte, the subdeacon, the deacon, and the priest. One bishop – or overseer, or superintendent – was placed in charge of many presbyters or pastors of individual churches. An archbishop, or metropolitan, came to exercise authority over the bishops. … This episcopal order and the ranks connected with it are not evil in themselves. They should not be disparaged when they serve to uphold the unity and harmony of the church in true evangelical doctrine and the preservation of Christian discipline and peace; when they maintain and spread right doctrine and reverent worship of God; when they do not claim that they possess the illicit power to interpret Scripture arbitrarily, to establish new articles of faith, to legislate in matters of doctrine and worship; and when they do not assume tyrannical authority over the other members of the church; etc.” (emphasis added)

11. To the objection that the deacons of Acts 6 were serving in an office that was essentially secular in character and not ecclesiastical or spiritual, Charles Porterfield Krauth responded: “A careful study of this passage shows: 1. That the functions to which deacons were elected, were functions which had been exercised by the apostles; hence the deacons’ duties are not lay duties, but are official. 2. They were chosen as aids to the apostles, in order that the whole time and strength of the apostles might be devoted to the more difficult and important part of this work. The apostles were to give themselves to prayer, and to the ministry of the word. 3. The fundamental idea of the diaconate, therefore, was not the serving of tables, or the performing of secular duties within the church. That was but the specific determination of the general idea at that particular time. The generic idea of the diaconate is that it is an office designed to relieve the ministry of some of its relative, incidental and yet more distracting duties, in order to leave it free for others. Hence the broader and truer conception of the deacon is that he is the minister’s aid. This fact accounts for it, that the apostles looked to the deacons for something more than a mechanical performance of the ministration of the provision made by the church for the widows. The seven men were to be full of the Holy Ghost and wisdom. Stephen, who was chosen, and is first in the list, was a man full of faith and of the Holy Ghost. And we see that he devoted himself to other duties than merely those of the daily ministrations of the widows. Out of this truer conception of the nature of the diaconate, arises the fact that in the epistles we see that the deacons had larger functions than those which would be naturally assigned them, on the current misconstruction of the nature of their office. 1 Tim. iii. 8-13, gives a description of the necessary characteristics of deacons, which shows that they were in a larger sense aids in the general work of the ministry. This view of the nature of the diaconate alone explains the fact that from the earliest, post-apostolic antiquity, and indeed in the time of the apostolic fathers, the deacons were permanent officials in the church, with a range of functions of increasing importance, making them more and more efficient aids in part of the work of the ministry” (“Church Polity,” II, Lutheran Church Review, Vol. III, Whole No. 10 [April 1884], pp. 139-40).

12. Walther’s high opinion of Kaehler and of Kaehler’s theological competence is also reflected in the fact that Kaehler later served as Walther’s secretary and editorial assistant (Carl S. Meyer, From Log Cabin to Luther Tower [Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1965], p. 66).

13. In their almost simultaneous embracing of the “narrow sense / broader sense” distinction regarding the public ministry of the Gospel, we have not yet been able to determine if Kaehler was influenced by Krauth, if Krauth was influenced by Kaehler, if both of them were influenced by a still-unknown third party, or if each of these astute thinkers independently came up with the same basic scheme. They might have been influenced to some extent by C. A. T. Selle’s essay, “Das Amt des Pastors als Schulaufseher” (The Office of a Pastor as School Overseer) (Evang.-Luth. Schulblatt, Vol. 4, No. 5 [January 1869]). In a passing comment Selle had there identified “the preaching office in the narrow sense” with “the pastor’s office,” but he did not develop the idea beyond that one brief remark.
 Selle wrote: “When someone is given the instruction of the children in God’s Word, he has a teaching office and therefore teaches publicly and administers herein a part of the public preaching office. … The public teaching of the word of God is a matter of the preaching office in the narrow sense (the pastor’s office); the teaching of the word of God on the part of a school teacher is public since it is part of his office. It also belongs to the preaching office. It is a part of it. … The spiritual priesthood has the duty to use the word mainly in the home and otherwise privately where someone asks concerning the reason for the hope that is in us or where perhaps the circumstances in addition require it. Emergencies excepted, the general call of Christians extends no further. Everything which goes beyond this and immediately when one discusses a teaching of the word for the congregation, the matter belongs to the public preaching office which is called public because it is an office, a conferred public service. … According to the general priesthood no Christian has duty, call, or right to teach the word of God to the children of other people let alone the children of many people all together, regularly and at appointed times. That Christian who does this must have a call, right (Recht), and duty in addition. If he is to have the right and duty in addition he must expressly be given a call, and the office, the public service of the word – whether it is the office in totality or only as a special branch of the public preaching office – must be conferred on him. The teacher of Christian schools as such has such a call, the office. In this usage he administers a part of the public preaching office… In the Lutheran Church of the 16th century and following the Schoolmaster was therefore, insofar as he taught the children God’s word and performed ecclesiastical functions and also administered a separated part of the public preaching office, considered as belonging to the so-called clergy. …he is placed under the oversight of the preacher. This has always occurred in our church because it has rightly been recognized that the school teacher administers a branch office of the holy preaching office. … The separation of the Christian school office from the preaching office does not release the pastor from his accountability in regard to the Christian instruction and training of the young. Therefore the office of overseeing the school remains with him and the faithful administration of this function is his holy duty. …the pastor as such should perform oversight over the school insofar as the teacher has an ecclesiastical office and has as the goal of his work the building of the church of Christ and Christendom.”
 It is also worth noting that C. F. W. Walther had praised Selle’s essay very highly: “We consider this lecture to be a work of truly reformatory character. No preacher, no schoolteacher, no elder of a congregation and above all no congregational member who has an interest for the right form of our church in America should leave this lecture unread and untested. We are convinced that only when the principles presented here concerning the mutual relationship of school and church, of the school teacher and the preacher, come into play, will school and church remain here in indissoluble association and bring the first of the other gifts which this association should bring according to God’s will and order” (Der Lutheraner, Vol. 25, No. 11 [February 1, 1869]).
 And even before the publication of the Selle essay, the participants in the Evangelical Lutheran Free Conference that was held in Fort Wayne, Indiana, July 14-20, 1859, had determined “that the 5th article [of the Augsburg Confession] deals with the administration of the means of grace in general (certainly the Predigtamt in the narrower sense is at the same time included along with the appointment of the gospel as spoken word); that however the 14th article [of the Augsburg Confession] speaks about the Predigtamt in the narrow sense, or the Pfarramt” (Der Lutheraner, Vol. 16, No. 7 [1859], p. 11).

14. When Krauth said that deacons and deaconesses were not serving in “the ministry of the Word,” he did not mean to imply that they were not carrying out any of the duties that would ordinarily be associated with that “ministry.” He noted, for example, that deacons were authorized to read publicly from the Scriptures and to assist in the distribution of the Lord’s Supper, and that deaconesses were authorized to give instruction to female catechumens and to assist at their baptisms.

15. It has been observed that “A certain tension arises from Walther’s treatment of the Predigtamt (1) as the one office from which all others flow, and (2) as the highest office, distinct from the others, but assisted by them” (Kurt E. Marquart, The Church and Her Fellowship, Ministry, and Governance [Fort Wayne, Indiana: The International Foundation for Lutheran Confessional Research, corrected edition 1995], p. 143 [emphases in original]).

16. “Through what instrumentality does the Church chiefly administer the Means of Grace? Through the Christian Ministry. What is the Ministry? An office entrusted to certain persons, specially prepared and set apart for its duties. In the wide sense, every office in the Church, is a ministry, and the distinction between ministers and laymen is one between the office-bearers and the non-official members of the Church. In a narrower sense, the term belongs only to those commissioned by the Church to preach the Gospel and administer the Sacraments. Is the designation of a special class of men to fill this office simply a matter of convenience? It is not within the liberty of the Church to dispense with the office. For it rests upon a divine institution. 1 Cor. 12:28–‘God hath set some in the church, first apostles, secondly prophets, thirdly teachers, then miracles, then divers kinds of healings, helps, governments,’ etc. Eph. 4:11–‘And he gave some to be apostles, and some prophets, and some evangelists, and some pastors and teachers, for the perfecting of the saints, unto the work of ministering.’ The form and mode of office may vary. Some of these forms are but temporary and belong only to the period of the founding of Christianity; but the permanency of organization under bearers of an office pervades all that has been written concerning the Apostolic Church. A ministry is indispensable to the establishment, growth and proper administration of the Church. Is this classification of offices absolute for the Church of later times? No; for the Acts and the Epistles show that the organization of the Church gradually progressed, according to its needs, and had no divinely formulated Constitution, transmitted by inspiration, to be inflexibly adhered to for all time. Modifications and combinations of offices, on the one hand, and, on the other, a separation of duties and offices arose, as the Church passed from its missionary to its settled form, and as provisional plans were succeeded by more permanent adjustments. … What was the ultimate result? The Apostles as such had no successors; for they were for all lands and ages. When the period of extraordinary was succeeded by that of only ordinary gifts of the Spirit, there was a merging of a number of these offices into one, that of the local pastor, teacher, preacher and chief presbyter or president of the congregation. The Church, in its freedom, from time to time instituted other offices, to administer the duties connected with its common and united interests” (pp. 419-21).
 “Is the Call which constitutes the ministry limited to the pastorate of a local congregation? Many so maintain. But even in Apostolic times, the ministry of preaching the Word and administering the Sacraments was not confined to a form so restrictedly local. Wherever there are general interests of the Church that are served by preachers and teachers filling such offices as are needed and in accordance with clear calls, there are also true ministers of the Church. What a congregation of Christian people can do in the call of a pastor, a congregation of congregations in the representative Church can also effect. This limitation, however, must be made: Such call must always carry with it the appointment to distinct work. For the ministry is an office, not an order” (pp. 430-31).
 “What other ministers are there beside the ministers of the Word? Deacons, or the executive aids of pastors, chiefly in the external administration of the Church. While the question as to whether ‘the seven’ of Acts 6:3 are the same as the deacons elsewhere mentioned in the New Testament, is one on which there is not unanimity among Bible students, nevertheless, the general principle of the more thorough organization and division of labor is the same in both classes of passages. Acts 7 and 8 clearly show that ‘the seven’ preached as well as attended to the secular responsibilities of the infant Church. The qualifications of deacons required by 1 Tim. 3:8-13, show that their duties were not purely secular. What were the Deaconesses of the early Church? Women officially commissioned for congregational service. They were nothing more than female deacons. Rom. 16:1–‘Phoebe, our sister, who is a deaconess of the church that is at Cenchreae.’ In 1 Tim. 3:8-10, there is a statement concerning the qualifications in general for ‘deacons.’ Then, in v. 11, it is the female deacons, who are meant by the designation ‘women’; after which v. 12 refers to the male deacons. It would be a strange break to understand v. 11 as meaning women in general, or the wives of deacons” (pp. 444-45).
 Jacobs’s gifts and abilities were noticed and admired also in the larger world of Confessional Lutheranism, even when he was still a relatively young man. In 1871 he had declined a call from the Wisconsin Synod to a professorship at Northwestern College, and in 1876 he had declined a call from the Norwegian Synod to an English-language professorship on the theological faculty that the synod was at that time organizing (Memoirs of Henry Eyster Jacobs, Volume II [1938], pp. 147, 179).
 We can see Krauth’s influence also in James A. W. Haas’s article on “Ministry” in The Lutheran Cyclopedia, edited by Jacobs and Haas (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1899): “The ministry, in its broadest sense, includes all service for Christ and the Church, whether it be preaching, service at the tables (Acts 6), or deaconess work (Rom. 16:1); in its particular application, however, it is the ministry of the Word” (p. 316).

17. In this respect their approach was similar to a distinction that had been made by John Gerhard between two senses of the term “preaching.” According to Gerhard, “When the pure preaching of the Word is called the mark of the true church, then the term ‘preaching’ is generally taken for the confession of the doctrine that all members of a church, both pastors and hearers, have in common and for the reading of the Biblical texts, which also is a preaching in a certain sense according to Acts 15:21. Preaching in a narrow sense is more properly a function of the pastor rather than of the whole congregation” (Conf. cathol., fol. 728-29; quoted in C. F. W. Walther, Church and Ministry [Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1987], p. 107). It is also likely that the conclusion of the 1859 Free Conference regarding the meaning of Articles V and XIV of the Augsburg Confession had some influence on the formulations of Pieper and Mueller (see Endnote 13 above).

18. August O. W. Pieper, a professor at the Wisconsin Synod’s seminary in Wauwatosa, Wisconsin, exemplified his differences with his older brother Francis (and other Missouri Synod theologians) when he wrote that “the ministry of the church and the congregational pastorate [Pfarramt] are not simply interchangeable concepts. The concept the ministry of the church embraces absolutely all forms of the administration of Word and sacrament, while the congregational pastorate designates only a specific form of the public administration of the means of grace” (“Are There Legal Regulations in the New Testament?”, Wisconsin Lutheran Quarterly, Vol. 86, No. 1 [Winter 1989], p. 42). August was nevertheless willing to acknowledge that “The parish ministry in the form familiar to us is the chief species, the most complete, most important, and most necessary species of the ecclesiastical ministry” (“Zur Verständigung in der gegenwärtigen Diskussion über Kirche und Amt,” Theologische Quartalschrift, Vol. 9, No. 3 [July 1912], pp. 204-05).
 Because of the more limited focus of the present essay, we will not here explore the problems and misunderstandings that arose from the tendency of some Missourians to link the concept of the divinely-instituted public ministry exclusively to the office of a parish pastor. We will simply note that the report on “The Ministry: Offices, Procedures and Nomenclature” that was issued by the Missouri Synod’s Commission on Theology and Church Relations in 1981 did affirm that “District presidents who are charged with the oversight of the overseers of the flock, or professors who are charged with the oversight of the men who are preparing to be the shepherds of the church, or men who are charged with the oversight of the faith and life of the church’s youth on a college campus or in the military can be properly said to be serving in the office of the public ministry of the church. … Confusion arises when we assume that the church can function only as one congregation at a time, or that the ministry of Word and sacrament must be defined only in terms of the activities of a parish pastor” (pp. 20-21).
 In an essay that was delivered to the 1951 General Pastoral Conference of the Norwegian Synod (now the Evangelical Lutheran Synod), John Buenger (of the Missouri Synod) declared: “You can often hear it said that Missouri teaches that the pastoral office is the only divinely instituted office in contrast to all other offices. This is false, even if it is stated by Missourians who are not well enough informed. Never did Dr. Walther make such a statement” (“An Attempt at Reaching Full Understanding in the Controversy on the Doctrine of the Church and the Ministry,” Clergy Bulletin, Vol. X, No. 12 [August 1951]). Walther’s “Sermon at the Installation of Two College Professors” (“Rede bei Einfuhrung zweier Gymnasiallehrer”) demonstrates that he did not, in fact, believe that only parish pastors are serving in the divinely-instituted public ministry (Lutheran Sentinel, Vol. 32, No. 6 [March 28, 1949], pp. 82-89; excerpts in Carl Lawrenz, “An Evaluation of Walther’s Theses on the Church and Ministry,” Wisconsin Lutheran Quarterly, Vol. 79, No. 2 [Spring 1982], pp. 128-30). See Appendix II below.
 Also because of the more limited focus of the present essay, we will not here explore the problems and misunderstandings that arose from the tendency of some Wisconsinites to blur the distinction between the divinely-instituted public ministry and the priesthood of all believers. We will simply note that a member of the Wisconsin Synod’s Commission on Inter-Church Relations, Thomas P. Nass, recently wrote that “the WELS does teach the divine institution of the public ministry. … In short, the WELS teaches that the public ministry is not optional. Wherever Christians are, God wants there to be servants who shepherd them with the means of grace as representatives of Christ” (“The Revised This We Believe of the WELS on the Ministry,” Logia, Vol. X, No. 3 [Holy Trinity 2001], pp. 32-33). And even more recently, David J. Valleskey, the president of Wisconsin Lutheran Seminary, wrote that “the pastoral office involves oversight of the congregation’s entire ministry. A congregation needs a spiritual shepherd or shepherds. Whether the title ‘pastor’ is given to the one called to exercise spiritual oversight over the congregation or some other title is given, is not the critical issue. The critical issue is that the congregation has a shepherd, who with the gospel in Word and Sacrament feeds and leads and guards and protects the flock” (“Public Ministry,” Forward in Christ, Vol. 90, No. 5 [May 2003], p. 15).
 According to Gottfried Herrmann (of the Evangelical Lutheran Free Church in Germany), there were some remarks made by the “Wauwatosa theologians” on the topic of church and ministry “that we might consider over-stated and even polemic. We will want to read these remarks with caution” (“The Path of the Evangelisch-Lutherischen Freikirche [ELFK] into the Confessional Evangelical Lutheran Conference [CELC] and the Doctrine of Church and Ministry,” unpublished essay, 2000). Elsewhere Herrmann has observed that “the sometimes provocatively presented original position of the Wauwatosa theology is not identical in all points with the present-day positions of the WELS. There are throughout contemporary presentations more precise expressions and warnings against imprecisions in concepts conditioned by the English language, e.g., when the term ‘public ministry’ is involved” (“The Theological Development of the WELS With Particular Reference to Its Doctrine of the Ministry,” Wisconsin Lutheran Quarterly, Vol. 96, No. 2 [Spring 1999], p. 113).

19. In 1978 Bjarne W. Teigen, the president emeritus of Bethany Lutheran College and Seminary in Mankato, Minnesota, wrote that he “accepts without equivocation the statement of the Apology, ‘The church has the command to appoint ministers; to this we must subscribe wholeheartedly, for we know that God approves this ministry and is present in it’ (Ap. XIII, 12). The Office of the Keys belongs to all Christians, and they are all to use this office as Christ’s priests. But the Lord did set up an orderly way in which preaching and teaching was to take place. In other words, he set up the Office of the Public Ministry.” Teigen went on to say, however, that “there is nothing in Scripture to indicate that only the office of the local pastor is to be identified with the Office of the Public Ministry, and that other offices are merely ‘branchings off’ from the local pastorate. It is, indeed, God’s will that Christians jointly use the Means of Grace, spread the Gospel, and exhort and help one another by admonition from the Law and exhortation from the Gospel (Col. 3:16; Luke 11:28; Heb. 10:25; Matt. 28:18-20), but there is no divine command for any visible or external form of the ekklesia tou theou. Generally the most common way of carrying out most of the functions of the public ministry is through what we call the local congregation and its pastors. But it is clear that the Office of the Public Ministry can be carried out in various forms (Eph. 4:11f; I Cor. 12:28-30). There is the freedom here granted the church in I Corinthians 3:21-23. But this is not to say that freedom can be turned to license, or that other divine mandates of the Lord can be disregarded” (“The Church in the New Testament, Luther, and the Lutheran Confessions,” Concordia Theological Quarterly, Vol. 42, No. 4 [October 1978], pp. 392-94).

20. Common sense also suggests that it is fairly easy to settle a misunderstanding when it can honestly be demonstrated that both sides were essentially right all along, but that they had simply not yet found a common language in which to express their genuine agreement.

APPENDIX I:

We, the members of this parish and our posterity, therefore solemnly purpose and promise henceforth to provide food, sustenance, and support through our ten elected directors out of our common chest, to the limit of our resources as God grants us grace, and as occasion demands to make the following disbursements, namely:
 Disbursements for the pastoral office  To the pastor or priest called and elected by our congregation, and to a preacher similarly called by us and appointed to assist the pastor (though the pastor himself should be able and qualified to preach God’s word and perform the other duties of his pastoral office), and also to a chaplain if the need for one arises, the ten directors, on the unified resolution of the entire assembly, are to furnish annually each year a specified sum of money, together with certain consumable stores and lands and properties subject to usufruct, to support them and adequately meet their needs, one-fourth to be paid each quarter at the Ember fast out of the common chest, in return for a proper receipt. … In this respect and in the administration of the pastoral office of the congregation, their conduct shall be in accordance with the ordinance and instructions of the men learned in the divine Scriptures, which ordinance shall be kept in our common chest, and be considered and implemented by the ten directors every Sunday, so that no harm may come to the pastoral office.
 Disbursements for the office of sacristan  The sacristan or custodian, to whom the assembly entrusts the locking up of the church and the suitable care of it, shall be given by the ten directors out of the common chest in quarterly instalments a specified annual salary and certain usable stores and usufructs, as may be determined by the assembly in accordance with the aforementioned scriptural ordinance for the pastoral office of the congregation, which embraces also the duties of the sacristan.
 Disbursements for the schools  The ten designated directors, in the name of our general parish assembly, shall have the authority and duty, with the advice and approval of our elected pastor and preacher and others learned in the divine Scriptures, to call, appoint and dismiss a schoolmaster for young boys, whereby a pious, irreproachable, and learned man may be made responsible for the honorable and upright Christian training and instruction of the youth, a most essential function. This schoolmaster shall be required to train, teach, govern, and live at all times in conformity with and hold unswervingly to the mandate of the aforementioned ordinance for the pastoral office of our congregation which is deposited in the coffers of our common chest. In accordance with a determination of the general assembly, the ten directors shall give the schoolmaster as compensation for his services a specified annual salary plus certain stores in quarterly instalments out of the common chest. … Our pastor, preacher, and the ten directors shall maintain a constant and faithful supervision over this office of teaching school and governing the youth; every Sunday as need may arise they shall consider this matter, take action, and implement it with the utmost seriousness. Likewise the ten directors shall grant to an upright, fully seasoned, irreproachable woman an annual stipend and certain stores out of our common chest for instructing young girls under twelve in true Christian discipline, honor, and virtue and, in accordance with the ordinance for our pastoral office, teaching them to read and write German, this teaching to be done during certain specified hours by the clear light of day and in a respectable place that is above suspicion. … The ten directors shall also diligently supervise the training and governing of such German schools and young girls, so that Christian discipline, honor, and virtue may be maintained inviolate. (“Fraternal Agreement on the Common Chest of the Entire Assembly of Leisnig” [1523], Luther’s Works, Vol. 45 [Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1962], pp. 186-89)
 (In his Preface to the printed edition of this “Fraternal Agreement,” which he addressed to “all Christians in the congregation of Leisnig,” Martin Luther wrote: “Since the Father of all mercies has called you as well as others to the fellowship of the gospel, and has caused his Son Jesus Christ to shine into your hearts; and since this richness of the knowledge of Christ is so active and powerful among you that you have set up a new order of service, and a common fund after the example of the apostles [Acts 2:44-45; 4:32-35], I have seen fit to have this ordinance of yours printed, in the hope that God will so add his gracious blessing that it may become a public example to be followed by many other congregations, so that we, too, may boast of you, as St. Paul boasted of the Corinthians that their effort stirred up many others [II Cor. 9:2]. … We cherish the hope that this example of yours will come to be generally followed…” [Luther’s Works, Vol. 45, p. 169])

APPENDIX II:

What can comfort us, when men, who have prepared themselves for the office of rescuing souls, yes, who have already administered this office with blessing, assume the office of teaching at our institutions of learning? … This shall comfort us: 1) that also their office is the office of our God; 2) that also their work is the work of our Lord. … God has actually instituted only one office, namely the office, in his name to gather his church on earth, to rule over it, provide for it, and preserve it. This office the Lord has ordained and given to his church when he gave Peter the keys to heaven and finally said to all his disciples: “All power is given unto me in heaven and in earth. Go ye therefore, and teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost: teaching them to observe all things whatsoever I have commanded you: and lo, I am with you alway, even unto the end of the world” [Matt 28:18-20]. Now this office accordingly has such a sphere of duties and tasks of such a diverse variety, also calls for so many different outstanding gifts, that no man is in the position, even in a small sphere, to fulfill all its tasks. As the Messiah’s office as mediator falls into three different offices, that of prophet, high priest, and king, so also the office of the church falls into the most diverse offices, demanding manifold gifts of the Spirit. Fully carrying out the office of the church requires among other things not only that those filling this office feed the flock of Christ in every way and do battle for it, but above all also this, that they take care that after them there will always be new faithful shepherds and well-equipped warriors, who will take up the lead with the shepherd staff when it has fallen from them and who will wield the sword which death has wrenched from their hand. … It is therefore not a human arrangement, that there are men in the church, who train and instruct young boys so that they may some day carry out the office which preaches reconciliation. Their office is a holy, godly office, a branch of the office which Christ instituted and established in presenting the keys of heaven. Even not merely the gifts which are necessary to ground a young boy in a deeper understanding of the divine truths, but also the gifts that are necessary to educate the mind of a young boy in general and to teach him the different dead and living languages of the nations: also these gifts are gifts of the Holy Spirit, which the Savior who ascended to heaven has poured out upon his church for the establishment and preservation of holy offices. “This is why it says: ‘When he ascended on high, he led captives in his train and gave gifts to men.’ … It was he who gave some to be apostles, some to be prophets, some to be evangelists, and some to be pastors and teachers, to prepare God’s people for works of service, so that the body of Christ may be built up…” (Eph 4:8,11). “There are different kinds of gifts, but the same Spirit. There are different kinds of service, but the same Lord. … Now to each one the manifestation of the Spirit is given for the common good. … To one there is given through the Spirit the message of wisdom, … to another the ability to speak in different kinds of tongues, and to still another the interpretations of tongues” (1 Cor 12:4,5,7,8a,10b). … Not only is it a divine institution, but all its tasks have also no other goal, no other final objective, than the glorification of God’s name and the salvation of lost souls. Not only are particularly you, esteemed Director, from now on in the real sense the guardian, the spiritual father and house-pastor of the boys and young men in our college; not only are they in a real sense a house church and house congregation of precious, immortal souls, purchased at a high price, who have been laid as a trust upon your soul from this day on, who are here not only to be educated, but also to be brought up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord and to be trained for heaven; but whatsoever we may pursue here, apart from the word of God itself, be it the original languages of the Holy Scriptures or those of profane authors, be it the history of the church or of the world, be it geography, or the mathematical or natural sciences, or the fine arts, music and painting… everything is to be pursued here for the purpose and with the objective that men are to be trained here who will have the general education and the required abilities, the proper spirit, the necessary love, self-effacement, and self sacrifice to call people from all classes, all vocations of life, all cultural levels into Christ’s kingdom, to feed the flock of Christ, and to wage the Lord’s battles. (C. F. W. Walther, “Rede bei Einfuhrung zweier Gymnasiallehrer,” Lutherische Brosamen [Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1897], pp. 346 ff.; quoted in Carl Lawrenz, “An Evaluation of Walther’s Theses on the Church and Ministry,” Wisconsin Lutheran Quarterly, Vol. 79, No. 2 [Spring 1982], pp. 128-30)


The Public Ministry of the Word in the “Narrower Sense” and in the “Wider Sense”

“Forms” of the Public Ministry

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Is it Proper for a Woman to be Called to Administer the Lord’s Supper to Other Women?

November 8, 2019 by Admin Leave a Comment

Is it Proper for a Woman to be Called to
Administer the Lord’s Supper to Other Women?

In conservative Lutheran circles where women “pastors” in the usual sense are not allowed, it has recently been proposed by more than one individual that it would be proper for a woman to be called by the church to administer the Lord’s Supper to other women. While recognizing that such an arrangement might in some cases be a stumbling block to the weak, those who are making this proposal maintain that the Bible does, in principle, permit it. More specifically, it has been suggested that the Bible never says that women cannot be pastors, and therefore that a woman could serve as the pastor of a congregation as long as the congregation is comprised only of women (or only of women and children); it has been suggested that a female deaconess could be called by a congregation to visit and commune its female shut-ins; and it has been suggested that a woman could officiate at a Communion Service that would be held in conjunction with a women’s retreat or some similar gathering. In this paper we will offer a Biblical and Confessional response to this proposal in general, and to these concrete suggestions in particular. (All Scripture citations are from the New King James Version of the Bible.)

A WOMAN PASTOR?

The Bible does not mandate a specific external configuration of the ministry of pastoral oversight in the church that is binding on all Christians of all times and places. For example, God has not mandated the “parish pastor” arrangement that is most familiar to us in comparison to, say, the arrangement of having a college of local presbyters or bishops exercising spiritual oversight in a congregation (which seems to have been the predominant pattern for pastoral ministry in the New Testament era). But the Bible does describe and define the ministry of pastoral oversight in its essential features as something that, in one form or another, is an indispensable necessity for the church of all times and places, and as something that is restricted to qualified men. Martin Luther makes the following observations in his exegesis of Titus 1:5-7:

Paul says to his disciple Titus: “This is why I left you in Candia, that you might complete what I left unfinished, and appoint elders in every town as I directed you, men who are blameless, the husband of one wife, whose children are believers and not open to the charge of being profligate. For a bishop, as God’s steward, must be blameless,” etc. Whoever believes that here in Paul the Spirit of Christ is speaking and commanding will be sure to recognize this as a divine institution and ordinance, that in each city there should be several bishops, or at least one. It is also evident that Paul considers elders and bishops to be one and the same thing, for he says: Elders are to be appointed and installed in all cities, and that a bishop shall be blameless. (“The Misuse of the Mass,” Luther’s Works, Vol. 36 [Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1959], p. 155)

These points are also well summarized in Thesis B8 of the “Theses concerning the Doctrine of Church and Office,” adopted in 2001 by the Evangelical Lutheran Free Church in Germany:

The pastor’s office is the most comprehensive and fundamental form of the public ministry of proclamation. Full spiritual oversight over the flock of Christ is conferred on pastors in their local congregations (Proclamation of the Word, administration of the Sacraments, church discipline, care of souls, 1 Peter 5:2f). – Where there are, in addition to the pastoral office, other offices of the public ministry of proclamation in the congregation, the pastor bears the total responsibility. Because Christ wills to have responsible shepherds for His flock, such an office is indispensable (Matthew 28:18-20; Acts 20:28-31; Titus 1:6-9; 1 Peter 5:1-3; Hebrews 13:17). In the ministry of the pastoral office only suitable males may be called (1 Timothy 3:1-7; 1 Corinthians 14:34f; 1 Timothy 2:12). Cf. Apol. 14,1

In Acts 20:28 St. Paul tells the Ephesian elders: “Therefore take heed to yourselves and to all the flock, among which the Holy Spirit has made you overseers, to shepherd the church of God which He purchased with His own blood.” Note that these “overseers” are the ones who have been divinely called “to shepherd the church of God.” St. Peter speaks in a similar way in his First Epistle, where he exhorts the elders of the church to “Shepherd the flock of God which is among you, serving as overseers…” (1 Peter 5:2). And in Titus 1:6 and 1 Timothy 3:2 Paul says that a bishop or “overseer” must be “the husband of one wife.” So, the Bible equates “overseers” and those who “shepherd” the church (i.e. pastors), and it describes the qualifications for such overseers in exclusively male terms.

The significance of this is especially highlighted in St. Paul’s First Epistle to Timothy, where his description of a male-only episcopate appears side-by-side with his description of a diaconate that is comprised of both men and women. As Henry Eyster Jacobs observes,

In 1 Tim. 3:8-10, there is a statement concerning the qualifications in general for “deacons.” Then, in v. 11, it is the female deacons, who are meant by the designation “women”; after which v. 12 refers to the male deacons. It would be a strange break to understand v. 11 as meaning women in general, or the wives of deacons. (A Summary of the Christian Faith [Philadelphia: United Lutheran Publication House, 1905], p. 445)

St. Paul’s Epistle to Titus does describe a situation in which the “older women” of the church are directed to be “teachers of good things” to the “young women” of the church (Titus 2:3-4). This apostolic arrangement may very well be a seminal example of the early church’s office of deaconess, to which we have just made reference (cf. Rom. 16:1-2). But this type of limited ministry of women among women is not the same as the ministry of a pastor or overseer.

In his description of the qualifications for bishops or overseers in his Epistle to Titus, Paul says that a bishop, as “a steward of God,” must be someone who is “holding fast the faithful word as he has been taught, that he may be able, by sound doctrine, both to exhort and convict those who contradict” (Titus 1:7,9; cf. 1 Tim. 3:2). The pastoral “stewardship” idea can be found also in St. Paul’s First Epistle to the Corinthians. Here, in reference to himself, Apollos, and Cephas (i.e. Peter), the Apostle writes: “Let a man so consider us, as servants of Christ and stewards of the mysteries of God” (1 Cor. 4:1; cf. 3:22).1 Paul had mentioned the same three people – himself, Apollos, and Cephas – when referring to the men from whom the Corinthians had received Christian Baptism (1 Cor. 1:12-16), and he once again speaks of having been “entrusted with a stewardship” when describing his own divine commission to “preach the gospel” (1 Cor. 9:16-17). The serious warnings and careful instructions that St. Paul gives in 1 Corinthians 11:17-34 concerning the celebration and reception of the Lord’s Supper indicate that the person who officiates at this sacrament, whenever and wherever it is administered, is likewise exercising an important aspect of the ministry of pastoral stewardship and oversight.2

The Lutheran Confessions acknowledge and reiterate what the Bible teaches about pastors and bishops, and about the important duties that these men carry out in and for the church. In the Apology of the Augsburg Confession we read that

the one minister who consecrates gives the body and blood of the Lord to the rest of the people, just as a minister who preaches sets forth the gospel to the people, as Paul says [1 Cor. 4:1], “Think of us in this way, as servants of Christ and stewards of God’s mysteries,” that is, of the gospel and the sacraments. And 2 Corinthians 5:20, “So we are ambassadors for Christ, since God is making his appeal through us; we entreat you on behalf of Christ, be reconciled to God.” (Ap XXIV:80, The Book of Concord, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert [Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2000], p. 272)

Luther, speaking in his capacity as a called minister of Word and Sacrament, is quoted in the Formula of Concord as follows: “So it is not our work or speaking but the command and ordinance of Christ that make the bread the body and the wine the blood, beginning with the first Lord’s Supper and continuing to the end of the world, as it is administered daily through our ministry or office” (FC SD VII:77, Kolb/Wengert p. 607; emphasis added). And in the words of the Treatise,

The Gospel bestows upon those who preside over the churches the commission to proclaim the gospel, forgive sins, and administer the sacraments. In addition, it bestows legal authority, that is, the charge to excommunicate those whose crimes are public knowledge and to absolve those who repent. It is universally acknowledged, even by our opponents, that this power is shared by divine right by all who preside in the churches, whether they are called pastors, presbyters, or bishops. For that reason Jerome plainly teaches that in the apostolic letters all who preside over churches are both bishops and presbyters. He quotes Titus [1:5-6]: “I left you behind in Crete for this reason, so that you should…appoint presbyters in every town,” which then continues, “It is necessary for the bishop to be the husband of one wife” [v. 6]. (Tr 60-62, Kolb/Wengert p. 340)

According to the needs and circumstances of the church, qualified women may be called or authorized to offer limited or specialized instruction from God’s Word to other women. Luther himself acknowledges that

A woman can do this. Not preach in public, but console people and teach. … There are certainly women and girls who are able to comfort others and teach true words, that is, who can explain Scripture and teach or console other people so that they will be well. (“Sermon on Joel 2:28,” quoted in Luther on Women [edited by Susan C. Karant-Nunn and Merry E. Wiesner-Hanks] [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003], p. 61)

But the Bible does not endorse any arrangement according to which a woman would be called (in a non-emergency situation) to serve as a pastor or bishop in the church (or in a part of the church), or as a “steward of the mysteries of God” in the sense in which this phrase is used by St. Paul and the Lutheran Reformers.3 In a document entitled “Women in the Public Ministry,” prepared in 2001 by the Evangelical Lutheran Synod Doctrine Committee, it is noted that

Women participated in the work of the New Testament church (Romans 16). Some form of the deaconess office seems to be present already in the lifetime of St. Paul. Phoebe is called a diakonos in Romans 16:1. Concerning the “older women” who were probably teaching deaconesses, St. Paul writes, “The older women likewise, that they be reverent in behavior, not slanderers, not given to wine, teachers of good things” (Titus 2:3). I Timothy 3:11 may also speak of the qualifications of such teaching deaconesses. (emphasis in original)

It is also noted, however, that women

are not to be in the pastoral office, because here they would be in a teaching position in which they would have authority over men. Also, when St. Paul refers to the one who officiates at the Word and Sacrament liturgy, he speaks in male terms. He is to be the husband of one wife (I Timothy 3:2). Women will not read the lessons in the liturgy, preach the sermon in worship services, or distribute Communion, either publicly or privately, for these things are intimately related to the pastoral office (I Corinthians 14:34-35; I Timothy 2:11-15; I Timothy 3:1-2; LW 30:55; LW 40:390-391).

A DEACONESS COMMUNING SHUT-INS?

Officiating at the administration of the Lord’s Supper, whether in the public worship service or in a private setting, involves a lot more than simply the performance of the outward mechanics of the rite. Officiating at the sacrament, and admitting (or declining to admit) communicants thereto, is a quintessential pastoral duty, and a chief example of the exercise of spiritual oversight among God’s people (cf. SC Preface:11, Kolb/Wengert pp. 348-49; LC V:2, Kolb/Wengert p. 467). It is a very serious responsibility, not to be taken lightly, and not to be taken on by those who lack the necessary competence in distinguishing and applying law and gospel and in providing pastoral care to an individual conscience. In 1994 Thomas P. Nass wrote that the “general practice” of the church is (or ought to be) that

the administration of the sacraments in our congregations is entrusted to those in the pastoral ministry. Certainly others may be asked to help distribute the Lord’s Supper. But pastors are asked to oversee and preside. I know of no one advocating that this responsibility be given to others. This work fits well with the role of the pastor as the spiritual overseer. The administration of the Lord’s Supper, for example, often involves spiritual judgment. Decisions commonly need to be made by the administrant about who is properly prepared to receive the sacrament, both in the public worship services and in the visitation of shut-ins. This requires a knowledge of the sheep and is definitely the work of spiritual oversight. (“The Pastoral Ministry as a Distinct Form of the Public Ministry,” Wisconsin Lutheran Quarterly, Vol. 91, No. 4 [Fall 1994], p. 262)

Sadly, if Nass were to comment on this subject today, he would no longer be able to say that he knows “of no one advocating that this responsibility be given to others.”

Even apart from any other considerations, neither “deacons” nor “deaconesses” have been given the kind of pastoral training that is generally recognized among Confessional Lutherans as necessary to prepare someone, in ordinary circumstances, to be called to serve as an officiant at the celebration of the Lord’s Supper. The officiant reserves the right to examine the confession and life of would-be communicants and to refuse to give the sacrament to those who are not fit to receive it. A communicant also has the right to seek personal pastoral care from the officiant, and to ask for private confession and absolution, as a part of his preparation for receiving the sacrament. When a minister admits someone to Holy Communion he thereby takes upon himself a pastoral responsibility for that person’s soul (cf. Heb. 13:17). It is unfair to deacons or deaconesses to put them into situations in which they are asked to do things that they have not been prepared to do, and to take upon themselves such weighty responsibilities as are properly to be borne by the theologically-trained pastors of the church (cf. James 3:1).4

There are also some gender-specific reasons why a woman should not be called to administer the Lord’s Supper, whether to shut-ins or to anyone else. These reasons will be discussed in the section that follows.

A WOMAN CELEBRANT AT A WOMEN’S RETREAT?

A situation that involves an ecclesiastical gathering of women without men, or of men without women, is not as such a natural result of the Word of God having free course among human beings. Such gatherings are either the result of an intentional man-made segregation on the basis of gender (such as a women’s Bible class or a men’s Bible class in a congregation), or the result of unusual external restraints that have the effect of inhibiting or restricting the Spirit of God in his ordinary church-creating work (such as a women’s prison or a men’s prison). According to St. Paul the principle of male headship, established in creation, still applies within the fellowship of the church (1 Cor. 11:3). But the apostle also has this to say about man and woman in the church:

Nevertheless, neither is man independent of woman, nor woman independent of man, in the Lord. For as woman came from man, even so man also comes through woman; but all things are from God. (1 Cor. 11:11-12)

In his resurrection Christ has become the “last Adam” (1 Cor. 15:45), the founder and head of a new humanity. When the gospel of Christ calls his elect into the fellowship of this new humanity, the natural outward shape that this fellowship will take – and the shape that it ordinarily does take in the liturgical assemblies of the church – will be a reflection of the redeemed male-female complementarity of which St. Paul speaks.

Paul’s comments in the First Epistle to the Corinthians about the unity and interdependence of man and woman in the Lord are sandwiched between his teaching in chapter 10 about the Lord’s Supper being a sacrament of the unity of Christ’s body (vv. 16-17), and his teaching later in chapter 11 about the sacrament being something that is properly celebrated where God’s people “come together as a church” (vv. 17-20). This is not a coincidence. Apart from any secondary questions about who is or is not physically present when any particular celebration takes place, what the Lord’s Supper itself actually is, according to Christ’s institution and order, is a sacrament of and for his “one body.” It is a church-creating and church-sustaining sacrament. St. Paul writes: “For we, though many, are one bread and one body; for we all partake of that one bread” (1 Cor. 10:17). All worthy communicants – regardless of race, social standing, or gender (cf. Gal. 3:26-28) – are in principle welcome at every celebration of this Supper.

This is not to say that in the larger life of a congregation, segregated gatherings of women without men, or of men without women, are wrong. As a supplement to the ordinary liturgical assembly of the whole people of God around Word and Sacrament, a women’s Bible class, a men’s Bible class, or some other specialized grouping, may serve an important purpose in the fulfilment of the overall mission that Christ has entrusted to the church. But the point to be made here is that such a gathering, as it is in itself, is not a complete image or manifestation of the church of Jesus Christ in its full neo-human catholicity. It is a picture of a separated part of the body of Christ, and not really a picture of the body of Christ itself. Therefore an artificially-contrived gathering of women, with all men intentionally segregated out, is not a fitting setting for the celebration of the Lord’s Supper.

Such a scenario, with a woman “pastor” serving as the celebrant, would actually represent a significant distortion of an important aspect of this sacrament. The sacrament that Christ has given to us is a sacrament that is always a sacrament of and for the whole church. When the celebrant by dominical mandate speaks the Words of Institution aloud, these words are, among other things, Christ’s invitation to any and all worthy communicants to receive the body and blood of their Savior for the forgiveness of their sins (cf. FC SD VII:79-82, Kolb/Wengert p. 607). The only Supper that Jesus has instituted is a Supper to which all communicants in good standing are always welcome. But when a woman serves as the celebrant, the invitation to commune that is issued through her lips is a self-contradiction. On the one hand, through her lips Jesus is inviting all worthy communicants – both men and women – to approach the Lord’s Table. But on the other hand, the fact that she is a woman, and not a man, means that it would be wrong and disorderly for a man to receive the Lord’s body and blood from her hand, since a woman is not permitted by God’s Word “to teach or to have authority over a man” (1 Tim. 2:12; cf. 1 Cor. 14:34-35). Again, we are not speaking at this point about the secondary question of whether men and women are actually both present in the room when this is taking place. Rather, we are speaking of the ecclesial character of the sacrament itself, and of the ecclesial character of the words of Christ which were spoken by him in the original institution and which are repeated at his command today by the “stewards of the mysteries of God.”5

A sacrament that Jesus instituted to be a sacrament of his “one body” does not become something other than that just because of a variation in the external circumstances of its administration. There is a sense in which we can say that whenever the Lord’s Supper is administered, it is administered to and for the whole church – even on those occasions when only one communicant happens to be physically present. There is a sense in which we can say that whenever someone officiates at the administration of the Lord’s Supper, he is thereby exercising spiritual authority over and within the whole church – even on those occasions when communicants of only one gender happen to be physically present. Whenever the sacrament of Christ’s “one body” is present, then in a mystical yet real sense the whole Christian church is present. As we confess in the Large Catechism, “the whole gospel and the article of the Creed, ‘I believe in one holy Christian church…the forgiveness of sins,’ are embodied in this sacrament and offered to us through the Word” by which Christ has instituted it (LC V:32, Kolb/Wengert p. 470).

Appointing a woman to be the officiant at the celebration of the Lord’s Supper would be akin to the Roman practice of withholding the cup from the laity. According to that practice the cup was withheld from lay communicants even though clergy communicants were permitted to receive the cup. The message was basically this: Sometimes the blood of Christ is for a communicant (when the communicant is a priest), but sometimes it is not (when the communicant is a layman). The Lutherans of the sixteenth century rightly rejected this distortion of Christ’s Supper. But a similar distortion would be imposed onto Christ’s Supper if women are, under some circumstances, authorized to administer it. Then the message would basically be this: Sometimes the body and blood of Christ are for male communicants (when the celebrant is a man), but sometimes they are not (when the celebrant is a woman). The Lutherans of today should reject this distortion as well. Neither of these basic messages is in harmony with the institution of Jesus Christ. The body of Christ and the blood of Christ are always for both clergy and laity, and they are always for both men and women.6

And besides, we cannot be so sure that a planned-out situation in which men are not supposed to be present will actually turn out that way. It is, for example, easy to envision a circumstance in which a female shut-in’s grown son, who is also a member of the church, is visiting his mother at the time when a deaconess arrives to commune her. Is the visiting son to be told to depart? Is he to be forbidden to receive the sacrament that Christ has actually instituted for him as well as for his mother? Is he to be asked to leave the room, so that he will not be able to hear the words of forgiveness and invitation that Jesus speaks in the Words of Institution? And in a women’s prison, can we be certain that a male guard or prison employee, who may also belong to the church, will not be on hand, wishing to receive the sacrament along with the female inmates? At a women’s retreat, would it not be possible for a husband of one of the participants to be present, perhaps having arrived a bit early to pick up his wife, at the time when the Lord’s Supper is being celebrated? These scenarios are not far-fetched, and they would create a horrific and profoundly offensive pastoral situation if the minister who is officiating at the Lord’s Supper on such occasions is a woman.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

In response to a question about the appropriateness of a father giving communion to the members of his household, Luther issues some fundamental pastoral and theological warnings that would also seem to be applicable in some respects to what we have been talking about here. He writes:

The first Christians, mentioned in Acts, did not administer the Sacrament individually in the houses, but they came together. …the Sacrament is a public confession and should be administered by public ministers, because, as Christ says, we should do it in remembrance of Him; that is, as St. Paul explains it, we should show forth or preach the Lord’s death till He comes. And here he [Paul] also says that we should come together, and he severely rebukes those who, each in his own way, use the Lord’s Supper individually. … Since there is neither any necessity nor a call here, we must do nothing out of our own devotion without God’s definite command, for no good will come from it. (“Concerning House Communion,” St. Louis edition, 10:2225; quoted in C. F. W. Walther, Church and Ministry [Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1987], pp. 173-74; emphasis added)

When a properly-trained and regularly-called male pastor officiates at the celebration of the Lord’s Supper, whether it is in the normal worship service of a congregation or in a special circumstance, the sacrament is and remains a sacrament of and for the church, as Christ instituted it. The sacrament is thereby being administered by someone who is qualified and called to be a steward of the mysteries of God for the sake of the body of Christ, and not only for the sake of a segregated part of the body of Christ. When the regular male pastor visits a shut-in, and celebrates the sacrament for that person, he is, in a mystical yet real sense, bringing the whole church and its fellowship to that person. Accordingly, any member of the congregation who happens to be present – male or female – would be invited to commune along with the shut-in. When the regular male pastor attends at least a part of a women’s retreat, so that he can administer the sacrament to the participants, he is thereby rightly exercising the ministry of spiritual oversight that has been entrusted to him. And any male communicants who happen to be there can receive the sacrament as well. By the same token, when the Lord’s Supper is celebrated at a circuit pastors’ conference, any women from the host congregation who are in the building would be welcome to receive Christ’s body and blood along with the men. In all of these cases everything regarding the proper administration and reception of the Lord’s Supper would be done decently and in good order. In all of these cases Christ would be glorified, his holy sacrament would be honored, and the ministry of his called servants would be respected.

The question of the objective validity of the Lord’s Supper in any given circumstance is, of course, a different question. Lutherans have always affirmed with St. Augustine that “When the Word is joined to the external element, it becomes a sacrament” (LC V:10, Kolb/Wengert p. 468). This remains so even if the person through whom the Words of Institution are spoken is an uncalled layman or a woman (cf. Luther, “The Private Mass and the Consecration of Priests,” Luther’s Works, Vol. 38 [Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1971], pp. 200-01). God is very patient with us, and throughout the history of the church he has endured a lot of human ignorance, presumptuousness, and wickedness in order to remain faithful to his promise that wherever his Word is present and active, he too is present and active (cf. Isaiah 55:11).

The question of emergencies is also a different question. In keeping with the Thomist maxim that “necessity knows no law,” and in keeping with the Lutheran principle that in an emergency “the order yields to the need” (John Gerhard; quoted in C. F. W. Walther, Church and Ministry [Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1987], p. 285), it is perhaps possible to envision a situation in which there is no pastor or Christian man present, and a believer who is near death or who is afflicted with a troubled conscience might ask to receive the sacrament from the hand of a woman. But we have not been talking about emergencies, and we have not been considering what circumstances may or may not properly constitute such an emergency.7 What we have been evaluating is a proposal that it would be permissible for a woman to be deliberately sent out in the name of Christ and the church to celebrate Holy Communion at the home of a female shut-in or at a women’s retreat, according to an arrangement that is planned out in advance. Is it proper for a woman to be called in this fashion to administer the Lord’s Supper to other women? In the considered judgment of the present writer it is not proper. It is, in fact, highly improper. We agree with Luther when he writes – in reference to the Word of God, Baptism, the Sacrament of the Altar, and the Keys – that

There must be bishops, pastors, or preachers, who publicly and privately give, administer, and use the aforementioned four things or holy possessions in behalf of and in the name of the church, or rather by reason of their institution by Christ, as St. Paul states in Ephesians 4[:8], “He received gifts among men…” – his gifts were that some should be apostles, some prophets, some evangelists, some teachers and governors, etc. The people as a whole cannot do these things, but must entrust or have them entrusted to one person. Otherwise, what would happen if everyone wanted to speak or administer, and no one wanted to give way to the other? It must be entrusted to one person, and he alone should be allowed to preach, to baptize, to absolve, and to administer the sacraments. The others should be content with this arrangement and agree to it. Wherever you see this done, be assured that God’s people, the holy Christian people, are present. It is, however, true that the Holy Spirit has excepted women, children, and incompetent people from this function, but chooses (except in emergencies) only competent males to fill this office, as one reads here and there in the epistles of St. Paul [I Tim. 3:2, Tit. 1:6] that a bishop must be pious, able to teach, and the husband of one wife – and in I Corinthians 14[:34] he says, “The women should keep silence in the churches.” In summary, it must be a competent and chosen man. Children, women, and other persons are not qualified for this office, even though they are able to hear God’s Word, to receive Baptism, the Sacrament [of the Altar], absolution, and are also true, holy Christians, as St. Peter says [I Pet. 3:7]. (“On the Councils and the Church,” Luther’s Works, Vol. 41 [Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1966], pp. 154-55; emphases added)

Those who have said that it would be proper for a woman to be called to administer the Lord’s Supper to other women do acknowledge that the implementation of this proposal would need to be preceded by a careful church-wide study of the pertinent Biblical principles, so that all concerned could be assured that God’s Word does allow it. They also acknowledge that the idea of having women pastors – even if it is only in all-female settings – may be troubling to the consciences of those who have not been convinced by their study of Scripture that such a thing is permissible. We would wholeheartedly agree that such a mammoth change in the traditional norms for pastoral care in the Lutheran Church would need to be preceded by a very thorough analysis of all the pertinent Biblical principles. We are not convinced, however, that this has actually been done by those who are putting forth this proposal. The consciences of many Confessional Lutherans would be greatly troubled by the idea of women being called to administer the Lord’s Supper precisely because these Lutherans have studied the pertinent Biblical principles, and remain persuaded in their consciences that God’s Word does not allow it. We are also quite certain that such an innovation in pastoral practice would have an extremely disruptive impact on the ecclesial relations of any Lutheran synod that might decide to introduce it. The kind of theological study that would be necessary before a major change like this could be made would need to take place within the larger fellowship of worldwide Confessional Lutheranism, and not only within the confines of one church body’s internal deliberative processes. The consequences of one synod pressing ahead with such an innovation without that kind of inter-synodical deliberation and fraternal dialogue would be disastrous.

The passages of Holy Scripture that pertain to the question of who should or should not administer the Lord’s Supper certainly include the various Biblical statements regarding the order of creation, and especially the Pauline prohibition of a woman exercising authority over a man – which carries with it the idea that a woman may exercise authority over another woman. But it would be necessary also to examine what the Scriptures teach concerning the nature and character of the Lord’s Supper itself, apart from the “genderal” context of its administration. While it is true that the Lord’s Supper conveys the same forgiveness that is conveyed in Baptism, Holy Absolution, and the preaching of the Gospel, this does not mean that we may think, speak, and act in regard to the Lord’s Supper in exactly the same way as we think, speak, and act in regard to the other means of grace. For example, a Confessional Lutheran pastor would be willing to proclaim God’s Word to anyone under almost any circumstances, but he would not be willing to offer the Lord’s Supper to anyone under almost any circumstances. The Word of God in general is very “fluid,” and permeates every aspect of a believer’s life. It applies itself in one way or another to Christians in every office, calling, and relationship in which they may find themselves, in the church, in the family, and in society. The Sacrament of the Altar, however, is a very specific “concretization” of the Word of God, which applies itself precisely to the church as church. There are certain things that the Bible says about the Lord’s Supper, as such, that it does not say about the Word of God in general. And these things would need to be taken into account in a careful and thorough consideration of the question we have been discussing.

While most sections of the New Testament are addressed to all Christians without differentiation, some sections of it are explicitly addressed only to certain groups within the larger church (e.g. Eph. 5:22-6:9; 1 Peter 2:18-3:7). Since God has chosen to speak a special message specifically to women in passages like Ephesians 5:22-24 and 1 Peter 3:1-6, we would not object in principle if a deaconess, under her pastor’s supervision and according to the needs of the church, would teach a special Bible class exclusively for other women. It is ordinarily permissible for a woman in this way to speak God’s Word authoritatively to another woman. But it does not follow from this that it is therefore also ordinarily permissible for a woman to commune another woman. Sometimes the focus of God’s Word can be very specific and exclusive in terms of the gender of those to whom it is addressed. But the speaking of Christ’s Words of Institution in the celebration of his Holy Supper is never one of those times. We do not have a special Lord’s Supper for Jews and another one for Greeks; we do not have a special Lord’s Supper for slaves and another one for those who are free; we do not have a special Lord’s Supper for males and another one for females. We have only one Lord’s Supper, and it is always for the “one body” of Christ.

The conscience of the present writer remains persuaded of the following: By virtue of what the Lord’s Supper is, as a sacrament of the “one body” of Christ, it should always be celebrated in such a way that it is offered to, and could be received by, everyone for whom it is intended. Christ did not give his body into death only for women, and he did not shed his blood on the cross only for women. We therefore have no right, according to our own rationalizations, to transform his sacred institution into a sacrament that is sometimes only for women. Jesus did not leave us such a malleable sacrament, and that is not the kind of sacrament that the church has been authorized by its Lord to celebrate.8 If there would ever be a situation in which it would be wrong for a man to receive the Lord’s Supper simply because he is a man, and for no other reason, then there would be something terribly wrong about that situation. The Lord of the church has given us the right (and the duty) to exclude men from a particular celebration of the sacrament if they are uncatechized, if they are heterodox, or if they lead scandalous lives. The Lord of the church has not given us the right to exclude men from a particular celebration of the sacrament simply because they are men. But when the Lord’s Supper is faithfully administered by the church’s regularly-called pastors – its male pastors – then such an unnatural exclusion will never be forced onto any of God’s people, whether male or female. When the Lord’s Supper is faithfully administered by the church’s regularly-called pastors – its male pastors – then the institution of Christ in all of its fullness, together with everything that is organically connected with that institution, will by God’s grace be preserved among us.

David Jay Webber
July 25, 2005

ENDNOTES

1. Luther explains that in this passage “The word ‘steward’ here signifies one who has charge of his lord’s domestics… For ‘oekonomus’ is Greek and signifies in [German] a steward, or one capable of providing for a house and ruling the domestics. … Now, God’s household is the Christian Church – ourselves. It includes pastors and bishops, overseers and stewards, whose office is to have charge of the household, to provide nourishment for it and to direct its members, but in a spiritual sense. Paul puts a distinction between the stewards of God and temporal stewards. The latter provide material nourishment, and exercise control of the physical person; but the former provide spiritual food and exercise control over souls. Paul calls the spiritual food ‘mysteries’” (“Sermon for the Third Sunday in Advent,” Complete Sermons of Martin Luther [Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Books, 2000], Vol. 3.2, pp. 69-70).

2. Irwin J. Habeck asks and answers an important question in this regard: “Need the right to officiate at the Lord’s Supper be restricted to the theologically trained clergyman? As far as the proclamation of the Word is concerned, there can be little question that in our day the aptitude to teach which the Lord sets down as a qualification for the office of a bishop does require theological training. I am not thinking only of the formal sermon in the worship service, but also of the varied areas of teaching, the devotional addresses at organization meetings, and the devotions with the sick and shut-ins. I believe, too, that this training is requisite for the capable performance of the vast variety of pastoral duties. This applies also to the stewardship of the Lord’s Supper, which involves not only granting it to those who are entitled to receive it, but also withholding it from those who are not entitled to receive it” (“Who May Officiate at the Lord’s Supper?”, Wisconsin Lutheran Quarterly, Vol. 65, No. 3 [July 1968], p. 201).

3. In a broader sense of the term, a deaconess who has been called to carry out certain ministerial duties among other women may be understood to be functioning as a “steward” of the Word of God among those with whom she is working (cf. 1 Peter 4:10-11; Luther, “A Sermon on Keeping Children in School,” Luther’s Works, Vol. 46 [Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1967], pp. 219-21), but she is not a “steward of the mysteries of God” in the narrow and distinctly pastoral sense in which the Apology relates this concept to those who publicly preach in the congregation and administer the sacraments.

4. In the ancient church there was a practice according to which consecrated elements were taken from the liturgical assembly by deacons or deaconesses (and sometimes by others) to be distributed to those members who had not been able to be present in the worship service. The deacons distributed the sacrament in this way to men who had been absent, and the deaconesses distributed it to women. The bread and wine that had been taken from the public liturgy for this purpose were not consecrated anew by the deacon or deaconess in the presence of the communicant. Since this practice might be thought of as a precedent for the kind of proposal that is being discussed in this paper, we will include here some excerpts from Martin Chemnitz’s evaluation of it. He writes: “With respect to custom, no matter how ancient, Gratian furnishes us an answer from the sayings of the fathers, dist. 8: ‘Cyprian says that custom without truth is the antiquity of error.’ And Gregory quotes from Cyprian: ‘The Lord says in the Gospel, “I am the truth.” He does not say, “I am the custom.” Therefore all custom, no matter how universal, must always be esteemed less than the truth. And any custom which is contrary to the truth must be abolished.’ … According to Justin the deacons give the bread and wine which have been consecrated by means of thanksgiving to all who are present, and the same elements are given to deacons to be carried to those who are absent. …from the assembly of the church they carry it to those who are absent in order that they may commune. …in the ancient church…it was given to boys to be carried away; according to Dionysius of Alexandria, to women… …it is simplest, most correct, and safest that this whole matter should be examined according to the norm of the institution of Christ and that we should consider what comes closest to what is prescribed in the institution, agrees best with it, and serves for edification of the church. … The matter is not obscure if we set before ourselves as norm and rule the description of the institution. For Christ first of all used His words, which He wanted to have come to the element in order that it might become a sacrament; He used them in the place and at the time where and when He was about to distribute Communion, and in the presence of those to whom He wanted to communicate His body and blood. Therefore it agrees better with the description of the institution and the example of Christ to recite the words of institution and by means of them to bless the Eucharist at the place and time of Communion, in the presence of those who are to be communed… For these reasons our men, in the Communion of the sick, recite the words of the Supper, which are in fact the consecration, in the presence of the sick person. Neither has anyone the right to reprove or to condemn us on account of this custom; for we are following both the prescription and the example of Christ, concerning whom the Father called out from heaven: ‘Hear Him.’ It is manifest that this custom agrees with the institution of Christ. And, according to Augustine, what decides in matters of faith is not: ‘This I say; that you say; that he says,’ but: ‘Thus says the Lord.’ And, speaking of the Supper, Cyprian says: ‘We ought not to give heed to what someone before us thought should be done, but to what He, who is before all, did first.’ … Yes, in a rural house where there was no special prayer chapel a presbyter celebrates the Eucharist, as reported by Augustine, De civitate Dei, Bk. 22, ch. 8” (Examination of the Council of Trent, Part II [Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1978], pp. 293-94, 301, 303, 311-13).

5. As an aside, we would note that Holy Baptism likewise does not pertain only to the male part of the church or only to the female part of the church, but is in its own way also a sacrament of and for the “one body” of Christ: “For by one Spirit we were all baptized into one body” [1 Cor. 12:13]. Baptism is, of course, administered to individuals, but it is always administered with reference to, and in the context of, the whole church, which in its essence is comprised of both men and women. In a non-emergency situation it would therefore also be out of harmony with God’s order for a woman to baptize. (Cf. Martin Chemnitz, Examination of the Council of Trent, Part III [Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1986], pp. 151-52.)

6. Chemnitz’s description of the intent of the Lord’s institution, written in the context of a discussion concerning communion under both kinds, can serve as an illustration of how similar these two issues are to each other. He writes: “Paul says that he had received of the Lord that he was to give the ordinance and command regarding the use of both kinds not only to priests but to the whole church of God, men and women alike, 1 Co 11:23. What is more, he wrote that epistle not only to the Corinthians, but to all that in every place call upon the name of the Lord, 1 Co 1:2. This is the true and sound explanation which Christ wants understood when He says: ‘All of you eat [and] drink of this’” (Ministry, Word, and Sacraments [Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1981], p. 122; emphasis added).

7. It is generally acknowledged in the Lutheran Church that in an emergency or extraordinary situation, a male layman – or if no man is available, a female laywoman – may preach, baptize, and absolve; for “in an emergency even a layperson grants absolution and becomes the minister or pastor of another” (Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope, 67, Kolb/Wengert p. 341; cf. Luther, “Sermons on the First Epistle of St. Peter,” Luther’s Works, Vol. 30 [Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1967], p. 55; Luther, “Sermon for Pentecost Tuesday,” Complete Sermons of Martin Luther, Vol. 2.1, p. 375; Luther, “Concerning the Ministry,” Luther’s Works, Vol. 40 [Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1958], pp. 23,25; Luther, “Defense and Explanation of All the Articles,” Luther’s Works, Vol. 32 [Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1958], p. 51). In regard to the possibility of an emergency administration of the Sacrament of the Altar, however, Nass makes the historical observation that “Lutheran teachers have debated throughout the years whether or not a lay person should ever consecrate and administer the Lord’s Supper. The orthodox dogmaticians generally said that even in the case of emergency it should not be done. [Johann Wilhelm] Baier wrote: ‘When there is a lack of ordinary ministers, and a faithful man anxiously desires this sacrament, it is better for him to be persuaded that spiritual eating is sufficient and to show the danger of other temptations which could arise if the sacrament were administered by another without a legitimate call and therefore with a dubious mind and result’” (“The Pastoral Ministry as a Distinct Form of the Public Ministry,” p. 261). C. F. W. Walther also states in his Pastoral Theology that “The great majority of our theologians, Luther in the forefront, believe that the holy Supper should never be administered privately by one who is not in the public preaching office, by a layman. That is partly because no such necessity can occur with the holy Supper, as with Baptism and Absolution, that would justify a departure from God’s ordinance (1 Cor. 4:1; Rom. 10:15; Heb. 5:4); partly because the holy Supper ‘is a public confession and so should have a public minister’; partly because schisms can easily be brought about by such private Communion” (American Lutheran Pastoral Theology [New Haven, Missouri: Lutheran News, Inc., 1995], p. 134). Walther nevertheless does make use of a quotation from the sixteenth-century Lutheran theologian Tilemann Heshusius, who taught that “In a case of necessity, since one cannot have regularly called servants of the church, there is no doubt that every Christian has the authority from God’s Word and is authorized according to Christian love to carry out the service of the church with the proclamation of God’s Word and the administration of the Sacraments. … But here we are speaking of that case of necessity when one cannot have true Christian and upright servants of the church and what is then up to a Christian. As if some Christians are at a place where there are no called pastors [Seelsorger]; if some Christians were in prison for the sake of the truth or were in danger on the sea; or if some Christians were under the Turks or the Papacy where there were no correct pastors; if some Christians were under the Calvinists or Schwenkfeldians or Adiaphorists or Majorists, from whom, as from false teachers, they must separate according to God’s command; or if some Christians were under such pastors or such church servants who practiced public tyranny and horribly persecuted the correct confessors of the truth so that they [the former] would then also sufficiently reveal that they were not members of the true church, and that godly Christians were then obligated to withdraw from their fellowship in order not to strengthen their tyranny and help condemn the innocent Christians: in such and similar cases of necessity, which happen quite often, that one cannot have true servants of the church, whose doctrine and confession is upright and agrees with God’s Word, it is permitted also for an individual private person and believing Christian to absolve the penitent sinner of sins, to comfort the weak with God’s Word, to baptize babies, and to administer Christ’s Supper” (quoted on pp. 137-38). Walther also includes this statement from the “strict champion of Lutheran orthodoxy” Johannes Fecht, who takes a somewhat more conservative approach: “If it happened that, in a case when a pastor could absolutely not be had, someone in the greatest danger of death, with the good intention of strengthening his faith, appealing to the fact that the Sacrament [of the Altar] was instituted to be added to the Word for confirmation in a case of weakness, would constantly ask for it from someone who was familiar with the administration of the Sacrament, and [the one in danger of death] would not be calmed by his exhortation, then I would not accuse such of disturbing good order. Since the Sacraments are fundamentally given to the church; and it is agreed that it [the church] in a case of necessity baptizes, teaches, and absolves through a layman; and although very rarely – more often with respect to other actions – a case of necessity arises; then I confess that I cannot judge otherwise than that it should be done, if the case is as just described” (quoted on p. 138).

8. Luther writes: “God’s people, or the Christian holy people, are recognized by the holy sacrament of the altar, wherever it is rightly administered, believed, and received, according to Christ’s institution. This too is a public sign and a precious, holy possession left behind by Christ by which his people are sanctified so that they also exercise themselves in faith and openly confess that they are Christian, just as they do with the word and with baptism. And here too you need not be disturbed if the pope does not say mass for you, does not consecrate, anoint, or vest you with a chasuble. Indeed, you may, like a patient in bed, receive this sacrament without wearing any garb, except that outward decency obliges you to be properly covered. Moreover, you need not ask whether you have a tonsure or are anointed. In addition, the question of whether you are male or female, young or old, need not be argued – just as little as it matters in baptism and the preached word. It is enough that you are consecrated and anointed with the sublime and holy chrism of God, with the word of God, with baptism, and also with this sacrament; then you are highly and gloriously enough and sufficiently vested with priestly garments. Moreover, don’t be led astray by the question of whether the man who administers the sacrament is holy…” (“On the Councils and the Church,” p. 152; emphasis added). If, however, the sacrament would sometimes be administered by a woman, then potential communicants on such occasions would indeed need to be concerned about the question of whether they are “male or female.”

This essay was delivered (in absentia) at the Ukrainian Lutheran Church General Pastoral Conference in Kyiv, Ukraine, on November 11, 2005. This essay was also delivered (by the author) at the Evangelical Lutheran Synod West Coast Pastors’ Conference in Grants Pass, Oregon, on May 3, 2006.


Martin Luther on Gender and the Ministry

Chemnitz, Chytraeus, and Andreae on Gender and the Ministry

Filed Under: Essays

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